Stefaans is an old hand at investigations. A politics and journalism graduate, he cut his reporting teeth at the Cape Argus in the tumultuous early 1990s; then joined the Mail & Guardian as democracy dawned in April 1994. For the next 16 years (a late-1990s diversion into television and freelancing apart), the M&G was his journalistic home and launch pad for award-winning investigations focusing on the nexus between politics and money. Stefaans has co-authored exposés including Oilgate, the Selebi affair, Chancellor House and significant breaks in the arms deal scandal. Stefaans and Sam Sole co-founded amaBhungane in 2010. He divides his time between the demands of media bureaucracy (which he detests), coaching members of the amaBhungane team, and his first love, digging for dung.
Did the PIC boss’s opposition to a risky deal, completed on the eve of the polls, force him to go?
The crime intelligence unit is deployed at the ANC’s conference, leaving the country wide open.
South Africa is accused of putting undue pressure on a weak government to extract an unfair deal.
Three major banks willfully ignored (albeit with gritted teeth) Zuma's laissez-faire attitude to debt.
An auditors’ report lays bare how a range of benefactors funded a reckless president’s lifestyle by more than R7-million.
EDITOR'S COMMENT: ANC delegates must make their choice with the fullest possible knowledge of each candidate’s suitability for high office.
Here are the people the auditors’ report identifies as having paid more than R7-million to benefit Jacob Zuma between 1995 and 2006.
The financing of the Nkandla project makes it clear that Jacob Zuma’s home is built on shaky foundations of friends and would-be favours.
A few months after Zuma and Ngema wed, they went house-hunting.
Thales allegedly funded Maharaj’s bid to stop Scorpions from getting his wife’s bank records.