Justin Arenstein
`Welcome to the bantustan” was the refrain echoing through Mpumalanga’s corridors of power this week following the virtual coup of the provincial government by former homeland leaders.
The echoes will ring even louder if former KaNgwane homeland minister and discredited former environmental MEC David Mkhwanazi is appointed as special adviser to the premier.
Mkhwanazi is the man who authorised the R25- billion Dolphin Deal, who formed a secret partnership with other politicians to sell helicopter services to the government and who hired his wife, daughter, brother and sister- in-law as senior officials. He was forced to resign on nepotism charges last year, but was subsequently cleared of wrongdoing by Public Protector Selby Baqwa. Mkhwanazi still has to answer, however, for R19-million that the auditor general claims went missing during his reign.
Mpumalanga’s new Premier and former bantustan minister, Ndaweni Mahlangu, reluctantly confirmed this week that Mkhwanazi was one of a handful who had offered his services as special adviser. “Yes, he has offered his advisory services to me but I haven’t decided who to appoint yet or even whether I need an adviser at all,” said Mahlangu.
Mkhwanazi failed to return calls.
Other homeland strongmen who have made startling comebacks under Mahlangu’s “new beginning” include disgraced former safety and security MEC Steve Mabona, who was forced out of the provincial executive in 1997 after the Moldenhauer commission of inquiry found him unfit for public office.
Chief magistrate Heinrich Moldenhauer also ruled that Mabona lied to the commission in an apparent attempt to hide his full role in the illegal issue of two fraudulent drivers’ licences to parliamentary deputy speaker Baleka Mbete-Kgositsile. Mabona ordered officials to illegally issue the licences during a secret and hopelessly flawed test in Delmas. When confronted about the scam, he denied any wrongdoing and blamed the allegations on “evil spiritual forces doing the devil’s work”.
Moldenhauer recommended Mabona’s immediate removal from public office, and called on Judge Willem Heath and the police to probe Mabona’s use of state funds and resources to bankroll his luxurious lifestyle.
Mabona was instead allowed to resign and marked time as a low-profile backbencher in the provincial legislature at a salary of R16 000 a month until his promotion to the post of public works, roads, transport and safety and security portfolio last week. Mahlangu defended his decision to grant Mabona what is arguably the most powerful portfolio in the province by attacking Moldenhauer’s credibility and accusing the magistrate of abusing his power in a personal vendetta against Mabona.
Mahlangu rejected Moldenhauer’s findings as a “miscarriage without substance” after Mabona filed a report explaining that the magistrate victimised him because he was upset that his job application for a post in Mabona’s department had been denied.
Moldenhauer, now chief magistrate of Pretoria, has dismissed the charges with contempt and denies ever applying for any position with any provincial government.
But it isn’t just Mahlangu’s former homeland cronies who have benefited from his appointment as Mathews Phosa’s successor. The suave former finance MEC, Jacques Modipane, was reappointed to the portfolio by Mahlangu despite pending police and Heath investigation reports into his role in the R1,3-billion promissory note scandal last year.
Modipane allegedly signed three of the promissory notes, which illegally used 32 provincial game reserves as collateral for massive offshore loans, without Reserve Bank, treasury or national Cabinet approval.
He has consistently denied any prior knowledge of the deal and accuses junior Mpumalanga Parks Board officials of forging his signature. Mahlangu insisted this week that Modipane had redeemed himself by privately confessing to signing the documents while under orders from “his principal”.
Mahlangu charted new ground by adding that it was, in any case, acceptable for politicians to lie to the public, especially when frustrated by the intricacies of power.
Modipane, who faces possible fraud charges if the signatures are his, returned the favour by implying that Mahlangu was a liar. Rejecting the claim that he ever knowingly signed the documents, Modipane also denied confessing to or even meeting Mahlangu. “I’ve never discussed the promissory note issue with Mahlangu and have certainly never admitted to signing the things. Mahlangu also did not discuss the merits of my [provincial] cabinet appointment with me – all I got was a call one day before asking if I was interested,” said Modipane.
Modipane adds that he only met formally with Mahlangu for the first time on Wednesday and was assured that the press distorted Mahlangu’s comments. Mahlangu has formally apologised to both the African National Congress and the public for his “unfortunate” statements and now claims they were made in jest and were quoted out of context.
Both Mahlangu and his office have refused to comment on Modipane’s rebuttal.
In an added twist, Phosa’s arch-nemesis, one- time confidant and provincial ANC Youth League secretary James Nkambule, has been forced to surrender his leadership positions within the party, but is instead set to win the more lucrative post of personal assistant to one of the province’s new MECs. Nkambule confirmed the pending appointment, but refused to name his new patron. He denied rumours within government that it was Mahlangu, saying: “I’ll never work for the premier’s office, but will be serving an MEC soon.”
Mahlangu has refused to comment on anything since his maiden press conference on Tuesday. He is now insisting that all questions be submitted in writing so that a “management panel” can review them and reply in writing the following day.
n Wally Mbhele reports that Mahlangu purged all Phosa’s support staff this week. Among those who got the boot are Phosa’s former media liaison officer, Oupa Pilane, and non- political staff, including cleaners. The woman who made Phosa’s tea did not survive the axe.
Phosa’s support staff of eight were all called to a meeting on Tuesday by Hussein Verachia, the newly appointed head of the premier’s office. Verachia issued letters to each employee transferring them to other departments.
The heads of the departments to which they were transferred had not been informed of the move and were surprised when they “saw new people reporting for work in their departments”, according to one senior government official.