Oh, for a Nyerere!
Moe Shaik does little to counter the view that a Zuma presidency is to be feared (October 21), and fails even to mention two worrying matters.
Jacob Zuma has reportedly asked for the state to pay the cost of his trial because he was performing his official duties at the time of the alleged offence. This is preposterous.
Money is being requested for a defence against what amounts to a charge of abuse of power. It suggests both an inability to tell what is morally permissible and a lack of scruples. That Zuma should even think like this is sufficient reason to be suspicious of his actions if he ever again holds public office — let alone the presidency.
Secondly, Zuma has shown he cannot manage his own financial affairs, having indulged in profligate spending while having large debts.
It is amazing that he should be considered a “man of the people” when he enjoys a millionaire’s lifestyle. If only our leaders took Julius Nyerere as their role model! — Terence Beard
Could the Zuma crisis be explained in terms of the congress movement’s “two-stage” theory of revolution? According to this, the liberation of South Africans must first pass through a stage of a national democracy, like we currently have, where racial discrimination is abolished and strong institutions built (the Scorpions?) for a united nation.
The second stage is socialist, where workers take over power and the organs of state.
A few people who thought this was nonsense were expelled from the movement in exile, and those inside the country were labelled and sidelined. They thought workers would have to fight for power instead of hoping the nationalist African National Congress would take them forward.
Our government is undoubtedly implementing neo-liberal policies and is not ready to relinquish power to the worker movement, seeing it as out of touch with the state of the nation and the world.
It is not so surprising, therefore, that worker organisations, their ideological allies and a few estranged youth leaders are standing behind a leader whose friend has been jailed for corrupting him. In Zuma they see someone who will lead them against an organisation that has dropped all pretence of socialist ideals. — Bhekizizwe Mbongo, Sebokeng
The thrust of Drew Forrest’s “Mbeki reaps what he sowed” (October 28) is that the closed, top-down leadership style of the exile ANC, brought into our post-1994 democratic framework, has caused the problems we now see in and around the governing party.
Fair point. As he says, the Mass Democratic Movement grew out of the situation at home, from the grassroots and with more decentralised leadership.
So why don’t you and other senior media people give credit to Zwelinzima Vavi and the Congress of South African Trade Unions for speaking out on issues where the ANC follows Mbeki’s poor leadership: Aids, Robert Mugabe and poverty?
Your latest issue is again full of alarming revelations about the killing effects of Aids denialism in the government; every other page has a reference to the BEEneficiaries handed millions in shares and salaries.
Are you really saying that Zuma is the problem? Would you rather have Saki Macozoma, who messed up at Transnet?
Or is there some generalised middle-class fear of ordinary people protesting, busing in from far away, to show their support? Are “the poor” to be objects of sympathy, objects of policy, or actors in their own destiny? — Tony Hall
Isn’t Luthando Nogcinisa of the South African Communist Party (Letters, October 28) really saying that the SACP will pack the ANC conference with its representatives and make sure Zuma wins? That is the typical Stalinist style.
While Zuma exploits Oliver Tambo’s name, the latter upheld the unity of the ANC at all costs under the most trying conditions in exile. Mbeki was Tambo’s protégé. He would not dare to do what Zuma is doing — split the ANC and create one of its biggest crises at a time when the country needs a stable movement to take it forward, consolidate democracy, fight corruption and careerism in party and government circles and deliver services.
Only a madman would want to break up the ANC. It must be strengthened as a radical organiation, with debates carried out democratically within it and its branches. When it is thoroughly rotten, its leaders can be defied if they hang on to power. But it has hardly reached that point. — Bennie Bunsee
Mbeki is not the monster he is made out to be by the small minority positioning themselves for posts in Zuma’s imagined Cabinet. He is being vilified for standing against chronic corruption by politicians, and did a noble thing by relieving Zuma of his responsibilities. — Ntwampe Morata, Bochum
The so-called division in the ANC has precipitated the worst in our media — mediocre journalism and bias. The National Intelligence Agency (NIA) saga is a good example.
How could Billy Masetlha, a seasoned intelligence operative, engage in a daylight, “in your face” surveillance operation on Macozoma?
Can any journalist confirm Macozoma’s account of spies in cars at every corner? Can he substantiate his story of these imbeciles?
And why are these sorts of question only asked of ANC Youth League leader Fikile Mbalula, and much made of the fact that he has no proof of being under surveillance?
The failure to raise these questions, except to ridicule the NIA, makes one suspicious of the media’s intentions. — Lebeko Madikgetla, Vereeniging
Zuma’s supporters claim he has already been judged by the media. I have seen nothing but informative and balanced media coverage. In fact, if I was to blame the media, it would be for giving so much prominence to JZ and his supporters, for giving him a platform to defend himself before his case is heard.
By the time the trial begins, most people will be under his spell. Next year, we should expect more toyi-toying and burning of T-shirts with Mbeki’s face on them.
South Africa is still a free country — let the media exercise their freedom without the interference of politicians who want their propaganda reported. — P Khanyile, Soshanguve
Your editorial “The awful state of the nation” (October 28) was devoid of hope. I agree we need more than the charisma of Zuma or Vavi to make this democracy work. We need public figures who are moral, honest and serious about making South Africa a better place for ordinary people. It’s all very well having “party cadres” in top civil service positions, but make them accountable for what they do — or fail to do. — Mark Potterton, Johannesburg
You apparently expect Zuma “to put the country before his ambition”. Why would any practising politician do this? Power will invariably be his first and last consideration, because without it he can achieve nothing, good or bad.
And if Zuma sacrificed himself, would Mbeki, unchallenged again, alter course?
Every instance of “the awful state of the nation” you point to — Aids, corruption, the emasculation of the public accounts committee and Parliament, the closing down of debate — are traceable to political power having only one centre in South Africa: to control the party is to control the state. All leaders must trim to this reality. — Paul Whelan, Umhlanga
It is excellent that sober-minded South Africans are backing our sharp, cool and composed president. We are behind you, Zizi, come rain or shine. You may not be a good singer or dancer, but your IQ distinguishes you from your rivals.
But I also give a standing ovation to Zuma’s “friends”; they are doing a sterling job, and I’m looking forward to the trial. I like the professionally produced Hollywood scenario — the black cars, designer suits, sunglasses and bodyguards — it brings out the child in me. — Thembani Sonjica, Mdantsane
Is the ANC going to be divided into two different organisations with different philosophies? I am not sure who I would vote for if that happens. People are really confused about which of the two comrades is wrong and who to support. — Peter wa ha Muthambi, Univen
Telkom’s new rip-off
Telkom is ripping off customers, this time in the pricing of ADSL bandwidth.
For a few months, small Internet service providers (ISPs) have offered either uncapped or 30Gb ADSL access for between R199 and R1 100 a month.
Many small, medium and micro enterprises have subscribed to the 30Gb offering, relieved that, at last, they can get reasonably priced, always on, Internet access without being virtually cut off when they reach 3Gb of data traffic in a month, as with Telkom’s standard offering.
Now Telkom, reacting to a perceived threat to its revenue stream, is to implement new wholesale ADSL tariffs from November 1. The immediate effect is that small ISPs will no longer be able to offer reasonably priced ADSL; 30Gb has now jumped to more than R1 700 a month.
Two ISPs have lodged a complaint with the Indepedent Communications Authority — though I’m not holding my breath. The regulator says the market should determine prices. Then why bother to have a regulator at all?
Since we have neither competition for Telkom nor a powerful regulator acting in the consumers’ interest, Telkom can charge what it wants — and its R8-billion profits prove that.
This is where privatisation has led us. The directors act in the interests of the shareholders, and the shareholders approve large bonuses for the directors. And the customers get screwed. — Ken Burke, Johannesburg
Telkom says ADSL prices should fall after November 1. This is typical of the creative accounting it uses to hide profiteering.
Under the pre-November 1 regime, all international traffic on an ADSL account Telkom provided to ISPs, and hence end-users, virtually halted when the Telkom-devised monthly data transfer maximum was reached.
The South African data traffic, however, continued normally, so local websites or facilities like access to a local mail server were still available.
This will change from November 1. Now, if anyone reaches their Telkom-imposed data transfer limit, both international and local access facilities of their ADSL Internet subscription will halt completely. The only way of accessing any local websites or facilities like your e-mail server will be by purchasing an additional ADSL subscription (ultimately, from Telkom, as the wholesaler to the ISP).
This need for an additional subscription is entirely owing to the change in the wholesale ADSL pricing structure Telkom has forced on ISPs. — Don Smith
Dogma destroys human sympathy
Farid Essack’s essay (“On human rights and lipstick”, October 28) raises far-reaching questions about the prospects for a humane Islamic tradition beyond the confines of Qur’anic and theological pedantry.
Only time will tell whether the faithful can move beyond the apologia as the only way to contextualise Islam in modern society.
Essack alludes to the fact that Muslims often miss the contradictions in mainstream religious practice, and are silent on the suffering of those who embrace the faith.
But as gang rape-survivor Mukhtar Mai’s experience shows, violence against a Muslim woman can resonate with others who are not of the same faith, but who experience similar oppression and feel her pain.
Dogmatic theology undoes this common experience, which crosses the boundaries of religion, culture, race and class. The defence of culture and religion at any cost reduces human life and pain to the ghetto of group-think. At the same time, many of those who want to suffer in the cause of a sublime faith, ideology or civilisation are capable of terrible violence aimed at subjecting other people’s wills to their own.
Human empathy has the power of reaching people beyond the embrace of faith, of moving them towards the historical point where they are capable of connecting their suffering with that of others who may not believe in the same God.
It is only then that faith and God become meaningful. — Saliem Fakir
Sad allegory
How many readers saw the full truth of Tom Eaton’s sad allegory about Pooh and friends (“From Pooh Corner to Shit Creek”, October 28)?
Animal experimentation remains largely secret, but mutilated eyes are a reality for millions of rabbits in research laboratories across the world.
It was encouraging to read Eaton’s comments, and those of Farid Essack on the same page — pointing to the dilemma of dealing with companies “engaged in unethical experimentation with animals to research the beauty enhancement products”.
Until the public becomes more aware, millions of animals are destined to suffer in laboratories in the name of “beauty”. — Anne van Vliet, Beauty Without Cruelty