Money still lily-white
The article “The new colour of money” (December 23) misleads the South African public by painting a glossy picture of black people and a bleak picture of whites. It wants us to believe that black people have finally arrived and that the future of white people in this country is as good as non-existent.
Even during the good old days, before 1994, white hobos roamed our streets. Your article tries to create the impression that this is a new phenomenon that came with the new dispensation.
Yes, some black people have benefited from black economic empowerment and affirmative action. But in the larger scheme of things, blacks, and Africans in particular, still comprise the mass of the poorest of the poor.
Vast numbers of Africans are homeless and jobless, and still live below the poverty line with little or no basic infrastructure. Your report totally ignores this fact and tries to fool us into thinking the colour of money has changed in our country.
A few weeks ago, a Sunday newspaper listed South Africa’s richest people, based on the number and value of shares owned in companies listed on the JSE. The picture it painted, especially after 11 years of new dispensation, is depressing and eye-opening: Africa’s biggest economy is owned and run by a handful of white people.
Relatively speaking, the so-called emerging black middle class consists of a few individuals who are drowning in debt.
They are mainly consumers obsessed by material greed and the need to impress strangers. They spend more than three-quarters of their disposable income on overvalued cars and expensive houses. The remainder goes to clothes and entertainment.
The colour of money in South Africa has always been and remains lily-white. — Sihle Khumalo, Durban
Rudolph Giuliani not a good example to follow
As a new South African who has lived in New York city, I must correct Helen Zille’s view (January 6) that mayor Rudolph Giuliani “combined global vision with the nuts and bolts of ensuring garbage is collected, potholes filled and traffic moves”.
The fact is that municipal services, particularly community development, housing, youth services and social services generally, eroded significantly under Giuliani.
Under his leadership, garbage collection to public housing developments was reduced and the New York housing system generally fell into chaos. Many innovative low-cost housing programmes were eviscerated, sinking the city into its worst housing crisis in decades, along with record homelessness.
Recreation services were also drastically cut and the city’s public parks fell further into neglect. Even food pantries were often forced to send the hungry away.
What did residents gain from all of this? Some modest municipal tax cuts and a deficit of nearly $6-billion by the end of Giuliani’s second term.
Where was his “global vision”? He did much to divide the city on racial lines and saw black and Hispanic youth as little more than potential criminals. Police harassment of racial minorities increased dramatically, public access to municipal information was restricted and civil rights, including the right to congregate peacefully in front of City Hall, were compromised or attacked.
Time and again the courts overturned Giuliani’s attacks on civil rights, to the extent that he labelled federal judges as out of control. Much of his incompetence and abuse was forgotten after 9/11. — Adrian di Lollo, Mowbray, Cape Town
Buthelezi deserved an ‘H’
Instead of addressing the shortcomings of Mangosuthu Buthelezi, raised in the Mail & Guardian‘s report card, Inkatha Freedom Party spokes-person Musa Zondi (Letters, January 6) elects to waffle and howl on issues that are only important to him and his leader.
What he lacks, and this is a common weakness in his party, is a clear understanding of what Buthelezi needs to do now that he no longer has the support of an oppressive regime and his violence card has been trumped.
Zondi needs to look at the mess in the Abaqulusi District Municipality, where the entire executive was suspended because of gross inefficiency, to understand that the M&G was lenient in awarding his “captain” an “F”. In my opinion, an “H” would have been more appropriate. — Ntsikana Tuntulwana, Amanzimtoti
Fess up and repay the money
I was shocked beyond words to see Deputy President Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka on national television trying to justify her use of public funds for a private holiday. She should admit her shortsightedness and pay back the money. — Ntwampe Morata, Bochum
Couldn’t the government’s payment for a private holiday for the deputy president benefit the whole country? Why not allow every company to pay for the holidays of their employees and their families, and deduct this from tax? What makes the government so special? — Dieter
The deputy president should talk to Minister of Tourism Marthinus van Schalkwyk and South African Tourism, which both spend time and energy promoting South Africa as a holiday destination. — Proudly South African holidaymaker, Anjullen Coetzer
In ancient Rome, the fiscus was the public treasury, but under the emperors it became the emperor’s privy purse. The South African Presidency seems to regard the country’s fiscus as the latter. — Michael Wilson, Cape Town
An urbanite from eKoloni
In “Ekasi is my roots” (December 23) Fikile-Ntsikelelo Moya claims his roots are in Soweto. The misconception is that anyone coming from eKoloni is rural, particularly if you know which part you come from.
I was born and bred in Port Elizabeth, lived in East London, studied in Cape Town and now work in Jozi. My parents were born and bred in Port Elizabeth. PE has never been part of any Bantustan, and the PE kasies are as urban as Soweto.
Where I come from, we wear Jack Purcell, Viyella, Pringle, Polo and Levi’s. We see nothing wrong in wearing pink, purple and lime shirts and white shoes. Yes, some of us go for facials. We are as metrosexual as they come. We sip the same Jack, Glenfiddich, Chivas, Cristal and Black Label. We appreciate Nina Simone, Miles Davis, Paul Hamner as much as we appreciate Abdullah Ibrahim. Does knowing which part of the Koloni we come from make us less urban? I don’t think so.
Moya suggests it is racist to ask which part of eKoloni you come from. It is a tired argument, and the question does not imply that you should pledge an ethnic loyalty.
My clan name identifies my being. As urban as I am, I cherish anyone from the AmaMpinga, AmaMpadla, Amabhele, AmaGqwashu, Ama-Tshawe or Amahlubi clans, as much as I bond with Kaizer Chiefs or Barcelona FC fans. We share the same heritage and traditions. Does this make me less urban? I don’t think so.
The implication is that you cannot follow your customs and rituals and be urban. I went to Esuthwini (circumcision school) like any Xhosa boy. With my first pay cheque, my mother prepared umqombothi and my uncles bought a goat and we remembered izinyanya. When my son was born we made intambo for him, slaughtering a goat and wrapping a piece of its skin around his neck.
For me, and friends from eKoloni, this is our heritage, passed on to us by our parents and grandparents, our identity and our being. We religiously follow our customs and traditions. Without these, we would be lost. As urban as we are, we know imvelaphi yethu. The fact that no one passed these on to Moya does not make him any more urban. — Tando Bonga, Berea North, JHB
China woos Africa for minerals, oil
As Janet Wilhelm writes (January 6), South Africa has become a major conduit to Africa for Chinese manufacturers and products. But trade between China and Africa, although expected to increase, accounts for less than 3% of China’s total trade volumes. In 2003, China agreed to reduce tariffs for 34 African countries. However, it remains uncertain whether African exporters have reaped benefits from this gesture.
It is also unclear that China has the capacity to provide a comprehensive plan to assist poor countries. Apart from finance, assistance has been limited to instruction in agriculture, light industry and scientific technology.
China has traditionally promoted its interests by uniting Third World countries and challenging Western leadership. In Africa, it has used financial incentives to lure regimes into its sphere of influence, with good governance and human rights being absent from the agenda.
Beijing’s aid is not merely aimed at maintaining friendships, it has broader motives. Africa has become China’s strategic reserve of minerals and energy, and future relations may depend on Africa’s ability to maintain a supply of raw materials.
Oil is a priority. Beijing has been using diplomacy to gain access to oilfields in Africa, Brazil, the Caribbean and Russia. — Vance Chang, Rosebank, Johannesburg
Degrading
The photograph in the Not the Mail & Guardian section of your January 6 edition, showing a man and a woman having sex, was shocking and deeply disappointing.
I really didn’t see the point in publishing it, nor understand how the editor could allow it to be published.
How could such a thing be shown in a newspaper accessible to teens and kids?
We all know that sex sells in the media world, but it’s no use taking that route if it degrades the image of one of the best newspapers we have in South Africa. — Muziwandile Desmond Mkhize