The general secretary of the Congress of South African Trade Unions, Zwelinzima Vavi, has fired one of the first salvos in the festival of ideas that will culminate in the 52nd ANC national conference (Polokwane Briefing: ”A retreat from the historic ANC programme”, April 26).
Central to his argument is an interrogation of the draft strategy and tactics document. His points on whether the current draft elaborates sufficiently on progress made by progressive forces internationally are well made.
The article as a whole, however, is based on assumptions that historically have not informed the national liberation movement’s strategy and tactics — particularly with regard to the nature of a national democratic society.
Is such a democratic society, the creation of which is the strategic objective of the ANC, based on the common programme of our movement as a whole? Or is it defined only by the interests of the working class? Our movement has always proceeded from the view that the main objective of the struggle was to defeat the system of apartheid, and in its place to establish a democratic state based on the will of the people with a mixed economy.
This post-apartheid state represents the aspirations of all the motive forces of the revolution. It is meant to be democratic, united, non-racial, non-sexist and prosperous. This state has been called by various names in our history, such as the state of national democracy (see the SACP’s 1962 programme), the national democratic state and so on. The draft strategy and tactics document describes the ideal of a national democratic society based on the best in human civilisation in terms of political freedoms, socioeconomic rights, value systems and identity.
For me, such an articulation is encouraging, as I hope it would be for socialists.
Vavi suggests that the ANC is leaning towards a neoliberal state in which the party’s interventions are limited and through which it is merely regulating competing interests. In this regard, he creates a straw man, which he sets out to demolish.
Contradictions are bound to arise in post-apartheid society. The task of the democratic state is to ensure that, whatever the contradictions, the strategic goal of our revolution is not compromised. In fact, the strategy and tactics document argues for a strong developmental state with the necessary institutional armour.
Whereas previous strategy and tactics documents are slightly vague on the nature of the society we seek to build, the current draft is more bold and assertive with regard to the detail of a democratic, non-racial, non-sexist and united South Africa. The document talks of the best traditions of a developmental state, represented by an efficient government that guides national economic development and mobilises domestic and foreign capital to achieve this goal, and the best traditions of social democracy, represented by a popular democracy that places the needs of the poor and core social issues at the top of the national agenda.
What attitude should socialists have on such matters? Should they reinforce the social-democratic impulses of this movement, because, in the long run, it may support socialist perspectives? Or should they frogmarch a multi-class national liberation movement into taking socialist positions? Socialists must debate this issue explicitly.
The fact that the forces of the left operate on the terrain of capitalism, and are dealing with the concrete challenges of transition, should not make us uncritical of this mode of production, whose fundamental values are private accumulation, selfishness and greed. The ANC has consistently spoken about these corroding values, which are beginning to undermine the entire alliance and which we must constrain.
Vavi raises interesting questions about the motive forces of change and who stands to benefit. But we should not lose sight of the fact that the strategy and tactics document refers to the leadership role of the working class. It emphasises that ”the mere prospect of objective benefit does not necessarily translate into revolutionary consciousness and resolve to act in the collective interest”. In this context, the ANC welcomes an assertive working class and its political formations.
Overall, the tone of Comrade Vavi’s intervention is unfortunate. It does not seek to win people generally and ANC members, in particular, to the views of the federation on matters of strategy and tactics. It suggests a mindset of ”we demand” rather than guiding on how the working class can deepen national democracy in a manner that promotes its own long-term goals. This requires consistent debate, debate and debate!
Long live the festival of ideas.
Mandla Nkomfe is ANC chief whip in the Gauteng legislature and a member of the ANC national executive committee’s political education subcommittee