As an Iranian, it is painful to recall that the Shah’s regime maintained close relations with the apartheid state, despite United Nations sanctions.
The Shah supplied 90% of South Africa’s oil and held substantial shares in the Secunda refinery. In turn, the apartheid regime sold yellow cake to Iran and was closely involved in Iran’s nuclear programme, which unlike today was not a targeted programme. Western powers that had supposedly imposed sanctions against apartheid South Africa saw no problem with Tehran-Pretoria nuclear relations.
The Shah obviously did not care about the oppression of the black majority, who were deprived of every shred of dignity. Exiled ANC leaders, meanwhile, depended on countries and institutions that supported the anti-apartheid struggle.
In his November 2004 ANC Today column, titled ”Give peace a chance”, President Thabo Mbeki outlined the nuclear relationship between the two previous regimes.
In his famous defence statement of 1963, Nelson Mandela said: ”I have fought against white domination and I have fought against black domination.” Being outspoken and on the side of righteousness are the hallmarks of a great leader. Mandela towers above ”pragmatic” leaders who compromise on principles.
With the victory of the Islamic revolution in 1979, the Iranian government took a principled stand in support of liberation struggles worldwide. It immediately closed the embassies of South Africa and Israel. A high-powered delegation from the ANC, including Alfred Nzo and Frene Ginwala, attended a conference of liberation movements on the first anniversary of the Iranian revolution.
Iran stopped all oil exports to South Africa and sold its shares in the Secunda refinery at throwÂÂaway prices. The apartheid regime wanted to maintain close relations but the Iranian government took a strategic decision to sever all links. In retaliation, Pretoria sold G-5 artillery guns to Saddam Hussein’s Iraqi regime, which was waging a brutal war against Iran.
When South Africans celebrated the end of apartheid we shared in their joy. Iran was among the first countries to recognise the new government and establish full diplomatic relations.
Relations between our countries are based on shared ideals and reciprocal arrangements. Iran expects post-apartheid South Africa to uphold the principle of justice, especially in relation to its peaceful nuclear programme. Regrettably, Pretoria’s position has not been consistent. At the International Atomic Energy Agency in 2003, South Africa maintained a principled position. But, last year, when the matter was referred to the UN Security Council, Pretoria took a Uturn under Western pressure.
In November 2004 Mbeki had written against the ”unwarranted restrictions on the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) that guarantees access to such capabilities for peaceful purposes by states that are fully compliant with their obligations under the NPT.” He condemned Western double standards that imposed ”additional restrictive measures on some NPT states while allowing others to have access to these capabilities…”
He also wrote: ”Before our liberation in 1994, the United States government engaged our movement in discussions aimed at persuading us to discontinue the programme for the production of the missiles the apartheid regime had intended to use for the delivery of the WMDs [weapons of mass destruction]. We agreed to this and kept our side of the bargain. The US government had undertaken to provide the new democratic government … with the resources we would need to ensure the redeployment to other high-tech projects of the scientists, engineers and technicians who had been involved in the missile development programme. Sadly and regrettably, the US government never gave us a single cent of the money it had promised, which necessarily impacted negatively on the development of science and technology in our country.”
It is because of this kind of dishonesty that Iran cannot accept the empty promises of the West. This has been reinforced by our experience with the Bushehr nuclear power plant.
Given Pretoria’s experience with the US, Tehran expected it to play a more positive role. In 2005, however, Iran noticed a gradual shift in South Africa’s position, no doubt under pressure from the US, Israel and others. The threat of Western aid suspension also appears to have played a role, although signals from Pretoria gave us hope that it would oppose Iran’s referral to the Security Council.
We realise that South Africa’s vote alone would not have defeated an anti-Iran resolution, but for us it was important to hear the voice of justice against the bullying coercion of Western countries. We believed Mandela when he said: ”The United States of America wants us not to have relations with countries such as Iran, Libya and Cuba. But … it would be immoral to forget those who stood beside and supported us in those dark days. We do not let others tell us who our friends are.”
In light of South Africa’s joining 14 other members at the Security Council in March this year to adopt unanimously resolution 1747, which tightens UN sanctions against Iran, Mandela’s words sound very distant. Indeed, Tehran was shocked at Pretoria’s stance.
Mr Mbeki, this is no way to treat a friend.
Javid Ghorbanoghli, former Iranian ambassador to South Africa (1999 to 2003), writes in his personal capacity