November 13 to 19 2009

In the dark with Eskom

The Reserve Bank aims to protect the value of our currency through inflation-targeting. Yet Eskom showed the Reserve Bank the middle finger by increasing tariffs by 264% in 10 years. Another middle finger is set to be raised as they propose a further 145% increase. This will come to a 414% increase from 1999 to 2012.

Minister of Public Enterprise Barbara Hogan endorsed this middle finger by saying we can no longer afford cheap tariffs. But while Eskom has been increasing your tariffs astronomically it has been providing neighbouring countries with free electricity — 3 000MW in 2008, according to Parliament.

The 2008 power crisis played a role in the increase of 720 000 in unemployment and cost our economy R50-billion. If government wants to see that unemployment upsurge reach 1.5-million, then I suggest they let the 145% electricity tariff increase go ahead.

Eskom chief executive Jacob Maroga and his board failed to implement cost-saving measures to ensure electricity tariffs remained stable. So what is ANC Youth League president Julius Malema’s justification for keeping Maroga on, as he has argued, besides his skin colour?

Malema consistently misrepresents the views of young South Africans. Contrary to his statements, most of us don’t believe being black alone qualifies anyone as competent for a job.

Hogan should disband Eskom’s board of directors the same way Parliament disbanded the SABC board. — Tebogo Ditshego, Kagiso

It seems the powers that be at Megawatt Park are fond of keeping us in the dark. Last year we had rolling blackouts. Now comes the total blackout on the unconfirmed resignation of chief executive Maroga.

While South Africans expect a steady power supply, the Eskom board is engaged in power struggles. The current shenanigans are a public relations disaster. Clearly, the Eskom board is failing to carry out its fiduciary duties and it is time the government acted swiftly and decisively to bring stability to this strategic entity. — Mogomotsi Mogodiri, Johannesburg

The Maroga-Bobby Godsell debacle has once again brought to light the ugly reality of racial politics in South Africa. The M&G‘s attempts to deracialise the issue by framing it as one of incompetence and pointing to the senior black executives who left under Maroga’s tenure seemed a nice try but is ultimately worthless.

In the face of the extraordinary comment that state-owned enterprises have become ‘slaughterhouses” for black professionals (Black Management Forum website), reasonable argument to the contrary probably misses the point. When a well-connected black person faces censure by a white person in a position of authority, it becomes a hot-button race issue.

It was naive of the ANC to expect Godsell to get away with firing a black executive (albeit an incompetent one). If Godsell believed Maroga was a danger to Eskom, then in the interests of the country he should have played the political game and found powerful black allies to help him remove Maroga.

Godsell is clearly not up to playing those games, but you have to be well versed in the dark arts of racial politics to get stuff done. We can bemoan the stupidity of it or we can accept it and make a plan. — Angus Douglas, Johannesburg

Maroga went to a lot of trouble to say that a culture of ‘white supervision” exists at Eskom. Well, I have a bit of news for him.

The problem, Mr Maroga, is not race-related. The problem, whether it is Eskom or my little Mickey Mouse service station, is putting wrong or inexperienced people in positions that are way beyond their abilities.

A year ago a local paper carried an article on two black women who, despite having absolutely no construction experience, were awarded a housing contract. It focused on how entrepreneurial they were, taking on major challenges, and was full of praise for their chutzpah. Of course the bubble burst when these new houses collapsed in heavy winds a few months later and now that the shoddy workmanship has been exposed by Tokyo Sexwale, the KwaZulu-Natal taxpayers will have to pick up the bill.

No one is denying that apartheid caused much anger and many stumbling blocks for black people, but Indian people are a good example of self-advancement through hard work and dedication — and, most importantly, not blaming the previous regime.

Since 1994 our history has been riddled with examples of mismanagement, corruption and self-enrichment, particularly in government organisations where the rules of responsibility, accountability and established competence rarely apply: South African Airways, Denel, Transnet, Sentech, Athletics South Africa, Boxing South Africa — the list is endless.

Would you be happy to hop on an SAA flight knowing that the pilot had been appointed simply because of his colour and his connections with ‘struggle” cadres? — Tony Ball, Bulwer Park Service Station, Durban

Hate speech will continue unless . . .
You were right, of course, to call for an end to the hate speech in the editorial of October 30. But for you to ask ‘Where does it come from?” indicates either that you don’t know the history of ‘the struggle” or that you are in denial about that history.

In the article ‘When the ANC refuses to listen” (November 6) Stephen Ellis makes the point that the authoritarianism that the ANC in exile acquired went so deep that, even after its unbanning in 1990, the movement never really adapted to the culture of accountability that was so strong in the internal opposition to apartheid.

In addition the ANC in exile carried out acts of violence and retribution against many who supported non-violence and were seen as potential threats to the ANC’s aim of becoming the rulers of the new South Africa. Remember the necklacings and the intimidation that were basic ANC strategy at the time?

You said in the editorial: ‘We live in a complicated country to be sure, and a fractured one, but we are not at war. We are trying to find our way to the future. It simply isn’t good enough to explain away the hate speech and incitement to violence as metaphors born of the struggle.” It is necessary for everyone to see the parallels between the struggle to get rid of apartheid and the reaction to anyone seen as a threat and a potential future alternative government by the ANC.

Yes, ‘This is a vital question of political culture, of values and, ultimately, of the survival of the democratic project.” And until the ANC is willing to accept that in democracy there is always the potential for a change of government and that those in opposition have the right, nay the duty, to keep the government accountable and to put forward alternatives to failed policy, hate speech, intimidation and threats will unfortunately continue. — Ken van de Laar

Where’s the proof Max?
Max Ozinsky’s dissembling (‘Ozinsky: ‘I can’t stay silent’”, November 6) refers.

I was appointed editor of the Cape Argus in early 2006, in the immediate wake of the disciplinary hearing Ozinsky alludes to and which led to the resignation of a reporter on the newspaper. On March 27 of that year the newspaper ran an editorial comment which began as follows: ‘The Cape Argus has recently found itself on the receiving end of allegations of impropriety in the conduct of members of its political staff. In the event the newspaper’s political reporter resigned and its political editor, suspended with the reporter at the time the allegations surfaced, has been reinstated. We issued a statement on these developments which pointed out that the publicly stated suggestion that the reporter was a director of a public relations company which did work for the premier of the Western Cape was not among charges brought against him. The investigation by the company into the allegations did not uncover evidence to this effect. It was felt, however, that the potential conflicts of interest that were uncovered merited a further, formal investigation (which, because of the reporter’s resignation, ended inconclusively).”

Ozinsky now attempts to manipulate history to suggest that proof has been supplied to the newspaper that journalists from the Cape Argus benefited financially ‘from their proximity to a web of companies contracted by the province”.

The fact that the Mail & Guardian is prepared to air this on the basis that Ozinsky says he believes it is one thing, but where is that proof?

In the three years during which I edited the Cape Argus I had at least four discussions about this issue with Ozinsky, in which he suggested that proof existed and he would provide it for me. I invited him to do so and told him that any journalist proved guilty of this conduct would be fired. That invitation still stands today.

He never once provided evidence when invited, but seems to have convinced himself that proof to this effect had been handed to the newspaper’s attorney — who also has no knowledge of such evidence. — Chris Whitfield, editor-in-chief, Independent Newspapers Cape

Excitement of dominance

I realise that the Alex Irwin who wrote ‘More gain than pain” (Body Language, October 30) isn’t Alec Erwin, the former minister of public enterprises. Or is he?

Anyway, a light went on when I read the article. I could never understand how Erwin, steeped in the labour struggle in the vanguard of the opposition to apartheid, could change so utterly into a neoliberal pushing for nuclear development in South Africa.

Now I understand. Erwin is into the excitement of dominance and the rush he gets from toying with this technology, with the constant potential of catastrophe hanging over us, and wants to push things to the extremes, where he experiences the greatest excitement. — Louis de Villiers

Telkom didn’t get handout

The overall context, content and tone of the article ‘SA’s problem children” (Business, November 6) is summed up in your slug line: ‘Underperforming parastatals continue to receive hefty handouts from the fiscus.”

Apart from the fact that Telkom is not a parastatal, it must be clarified that the amount apportioned to Telkom (in the article and accompanying graphic) was no handout. It was actually a payment in terms of Telkom’s contract with the department of communications to build the communications infrastructure necessary at all World Cup soccer stadiums and at the International Broadcast Centre to enable government to execute on its guarantees to Fifa with regard to ICT infrastructure provisioning for the 2009 Confederations Cup and the 2010 Fifa World Cup.

Considering the general slant of your story, including government’s payment to Telkom under the banner of a ‘handout” is both unfair and inaccurate. Telkom is enhancing the national cause through its role in the 2010 global soccer event. — Ajith Bridgraj, media liaison, Telkom

Use black models

In the M&G of November 6 you have ads for medicine (showing an elderly white woman), finance (young, white, male student in one, white man in another, two middle-aged white men in the third), the M&G itself (young white women) and flying (white woman). Are these advertisers ignoring the majority of the population in terms of their advertising in your newspaper? Do they think black people are not interested in finances, flying or medicine? — Cindy Ruthven

In brief
In ‘SA on a low-carbon diet” (Greening, November 6) there was apparent praise for Eskom’s reduction in carbon emissions in 2008. The reduction, however, is only just over 1% base on reported figures and probably more to do with shortages of coal and reduced generating capacity than any deliberate effort from an environmental standpoint. It would also have been useful to see how South Africa compares with other industrialised countries as far as per-capita carbon emissions go. — William McKersie, Hilton

As someone who worked on the last batch of Volkswagen Citi Golf engine blocks, I thought it had two more years to go before being killed off (‘So long, and thanks for —”, November 6). My suggestion of cost-effective colour-coded plastic grab-and-pull door handles, a turbo diesel injector range and being declared ‘Proudly South African”, among other ideas, fell on deaf ears. — Luyanda Marlon Kama, Kwa-Dwesi, Port Elizabeth

The ANC Youth League wants to nationalise mines (October 30) But if government cannot efficiently and productively run Transnet, SAA, Denel, Eskom, SABC, Ithala, government departments and local councils, how will it manage mines? How can the ANCYL call for nationalisation when it failed to account for R437-million at Ilembe? — Siyanda Mhlongo