Cameroon President Paul Biya and other long-time African leaders represent the tyranny of longevity, where power is hoarded rather than handed over, say the writer. Photo: Cameroon Government
The re-election of Cameroon’s Paul Biya at 92 and Ivory Coast’s Alassane Ouattara at 83 is not merely a political aberration; it is a profound insult to Africa’s youth, a mockery of democratic renewal and a tragic affirmation of the continent’s gerontocratic malaise.
These victories, secured under questionable circumstances, reflect a deeper crisis: the systematic recycling of aged elites at the expense of generational transition, institutional integrity, and the future of African governance.
The persistence of power: Biya and Ouattara as symbols of stagnation
Biya’s eighth term, secured after 43 years in power, and Alassane Ouattara’s fourth term, won with 89.8% of the vote amid opposition boycotts and disqualifications, are not triumphs of democracy; they are symptoms of a continent struggling to retire its old guard.
These leaders, once hailed as stabilising forces, now represent the tyranny of longevity, where power is hoarded rather than handed over, and where the youth are spectators to a theatre of political absurdity.
In Cameroon, Biya’s victory was declared by a Constitutional Council led by Atangana Clement (84), part of a ruling elite whose average age exceeds 80.
In the Ivory Coast, Ouattara’s win came despite widespread apathy, with only 50.1% voter turnout, and the disqualification of major rivals, including Laurent Gbagbo and Tidjane Thiam.
The participation of Simone Gbagbo, former First Lady and wife of the ousted strongman garnered a mere 2.42% of the vote, a failed attempt to resurrect a legacy that the youth have long rejected.
Gerontocracy and the collapse of institutional vitality
Cameroon’s ruling elite resembles a political mausoleum:
- Marcel Niat Njifenji (91) – President of the Senate
- Cavaye Yeguie Djibril (85) – President of the National Assembly
- Rene Claude Meka (86) – Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces
- Atangana Clement (84) – President of the Constitutional Court
- Daniel Mekobe Sone (79) – Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
- Laurent Esso (83) – Minister of Justice
This cohort has been recycled across portfolios for decades, presiding over economic stagnation, judicial paralysis and governance decay.
Their continued presence is not a testament to experience; it is a denial of generational renewal. In a country where 41% of the population is under 14 and 56% are between 15 and 65, the future is being held hostage by a dying elite.
Youth resistance and the erosion of legitimacy
In both Cameroon and the Ivory Coast, the youth have responded with protest and rejection.
In Yaoundé and Douala, Cameroonian youth took to the streets, denouncing Biya’s victory as fraudulent and illegitimate. Several were reportedly killed in clashes with security forces. In Abidjan, the low turnout and widespread boycott reflect a silent rebellion against Ouattara’s continued rule.
These reactions are not isolated; they are part of a continental pattern. From #EndSARS in Nigeria to #FeesMustFall in South Africa, Africa’s youth are increasingly connected, mobilised and impatient.
They are demanding accountability, transparency and a seat at the table. The gerontocrats who cling to power are testing the limits of this patience, and the consequences may be irreversible.
The age question: wisdom vs diminishing returns
While age may bring wisdom, it also brings cognitive decline, risk aversion and institutional inertia. Leadership in the 21st century demands agility, innovation and responsiveness, qualities often absent in octogenarian regimes.
The proposal that presidents should retire at 65 is not discriminatory; it is a structural reform. Just as civil servants and military officers face mandatory retirement, so too should heads of state.
The persistence of aged leadership is not unique to Cameroon and the Ivory Coast. It is a continental affliction. The refusal to relinquish power has transformed heroes into villains:
- Robert Mugabe (Zimbabwe) – Ousted in a coup, died in exile.
- Mobutu Sese Seko (DRC) – Fled amid rebellion, died in Morocco.
- Muammar Gaddafi (Libya) – Killed during uprising, body desecrated.
- Omar al-Bashir (Sudan) – Deposed, faces ICC charges.
- Yahya Jammeh (The Gambia) – Fled to Equatorial Guinea after refusing to concede defeat.
The humiliations are not anomalies; they are cautionary tales. They reflect shifting norms in African governance, the rise of civil society and the growing role of international justice.
The message is clear: those who refuse to leave the dance floor will be dragged off in disgrace.
Electoral autocracy and the weaponisation of constitutions
Cameroon and the Ivory Coast exemplify the rise of electoral autocracy, where elections are held not to choose leaders, but to legitimise incumbents.
Constitutions, once heralded as instruments of liberation, have become vehicles of oppression. Term limits are abolished, opposition is criminalised and electoral commissions are compromised.
In the Ivory Coast, Ouattara’s fourth term was made possible by constitutional reforms that redefined term limits. In Cameroon, Biya’s victory was certified by a judiciary that lacks independence. These manoeuvres erode public trust and transform democracy into ritualistic affirmation.
Only a handful of African nations, Ghana, Botswana and Namibia, have maintained consistent democratic integrity. The rest oscillate between managed democracy and outright autocracy, with youth disenfranchised and institutions hollowed out.
Demographic realities and the crisis of representation
Africa is the world’s youngest continent. By 2050, it will host one-third of the global youth population. Yet its leadership remains among the oldest.
This disconnect is not merely symbolic; it is structural and existential. When the aspirations of the majority are governed by the anxieties of the aged, policy becomes regressive, and development stagnates. In Cameroon, the demographic imbalance is stark. With over 70% of the population under 30, the continued rule of a 92-year-old president is illogical and dangerous. It breeds apathy, fuels extremism and undermines national cohesion.
Towards a new political ethic
Africa must cultivate a new political ethic, one that values legacy over longevity, service over survival and transition over entrenchment.
Leadership should be a relay, not a retirement plan. The continent must invest in youth leadership pipelines, constitutional safeguards and civic education. The pasture awaits, not as punishment, but as a place of rest, reflection and legacy preservation. Leaders like Biya and Ouattara must recognise that true greatness lies in knowing when to let go.
Biya’s eighth term and Ouattara’s fourth are not victories; they are national tragedies. They represent a failure of imagination, a betrayal of youth and a distortion of democracy. Africa’s greatest challenge is not poverty or conflict; it is leadership.
Let this be a wake-up call. Let the old horses retire with grace. Let the youth inherit the reins. And let Africa finally dance to a new rhythm, one of dignity, democracy and development.
Wellington Muzengeza is a Pan-African Political Risk Analyst and urban strategist with expertise in infrastructure policy, leadership succession and citizen-led development.