‘A BIRTH certificate” for the new South Africa was the way Cyril Ramaphosa characterised the final Constitution when it was approved this week. And, as is the custom at times of birth, the parents put aside any misgivings about the future to celebrate the occasion.
Amid all the ceremony, jubilation and celebrations there were grounds for reservation about the future which lies in store for this squalling infant. They were given expression by the empty seats in the debating chamber, which should have been occupied by Inkatha; the crashing rand in reaction to FW de Klerk’s hint of an early pull-out from coalition and even the smell of dagga smoke, courtesy of Rastafarians demonstrating in defence of the “holy weed” — and in the process giving a whiff of constitutional battles ahead as competing interest-groups struggle to give their own interpretation to freedoms promised by the Bill of Rights. It is, as most political leaders agreed (if for differing reasons), a less-than-perfect founding document for our new society. De Klerk may be justified in warning of trouble ahead, because we have entrenched “majoritarianism” in the knowledge that the majority will lie overwhelmingly in the control of one party for decades, if not generations. Mangosuthu Buthelezi may be proved right in predicting turmoil because the Constitution imposes unitary government on a multi-cultural society. Tony Leon may have a point when he sees the limitations on rights as a betrayal of those rights.
We ourselves are deeply regretful at the decision to stick with the party list system of proportional representation — which implicitly subordinates individual conscience to the collective will. But, for all the reservations and misgivings, May 8 1996 was nevertheless an occasion for celebration. After all, the final Constitution is the culmination of a negotiated revolution, and the fact that we have carried that out without the attendance of tumbrels is in itself a signal achievement. It is also a new beginning, however hesitant.South Africa has justifiably been compared to the Old Testament: a story of a people trying to do the right thing by their God and, being people, messing it up.
But the important thing is that we are trying to do right. That, when all is said and done, is our glory. After which we can only hope our various gods give credit for our striving. Just do it, FW
The end of the Government of National Unity is a moment to relish, a fitting climax to the celebration of the new Constitution.It is true that the money markets, which are currently ravishing our rand, prefer stability and predictability. The “threat” of a National Party departure has therefore sent our currency into a new decline. But if there is ever evidence that markets are often short- sighted, and should not be allowed crudely to dictate our policies, then this is it. The end of the GNU would be good for democracy, it would encourage stability, it would allow for firm leadership and, ultimately, would benefit the economy. ‘Tis a constitutional consummation devoutly to be wished.The GNU is a clever, but unwieldy, transitional device. It has been a rickety vehicle, the only one available to carry us from minority rule to democracy, with two drivers, three different- sized wheels and uncertain brakes. It was necessary and appropriate to assure an orderly negotiated passage — but it is not something that can carry us into the millenium.The GNU brought an era in which solid leadership and clear direction were replaced by horse- trading, petty bartering and indecisiveness. The ANC has argued that it has been unable to give firm leadership because it is pulled in every direction by the constitutional need to pander to a whole range of political interests. This has contributed to the lack of clarity over economic policy, the inability to deal firmly with KwaZulu-Natal violence and other signs of hesitancy plaguing this government.An end to the GNU will remove these factors — and put the ANC directly to the test.And it will free the National Party to start attempting to build an Opposition, to show us if it can break free from the narrow interests it continues to pander to.
On Wednesday, as if to signal the end of the era of transition, of the Mandela-De Klerk era, Thabo Mbeki rose in Parliament to make the speech of the day, as presidential a performance as any this country has seen. Poetic and inspirational, he outlined his own vision of this country and its destiny — and it was fresh, it was commanding and it had his own stamp on it.
De Klerk was decrying the faults of the Constitution — the proper role of a leader of a loyal Opposition.So, please, FW, stop threatening to break up the government — and do it.