The first thing the Inkatha Freedom Party will have to do when its national conference opens in Ulundi this Friday is try to solve the vicious power struggles within its own ranks. The frequent internecine battles have shattered the party’s public image and diminished its hopes of becoming a potent political force.
The recent fiefdom-building exercises of the party’s prodigal MP Thomas Shabalala may have left the most visible dents in its image during last month’s local government elections, but they were by no means an anomaly.
Party sources say National Council meetings are frequently dominated by the kind of back-stabbing confrontations which have spawned a series of divisions along racial, ideological and geographic lines, but these appear more often than not to be rooted in personal advantage.
A recent National Council meeting apparently ran into second innings when hardline constitutional negotiator Walter Felgate launched an “ugly” 10-hour bid to wrest control of the party’s finances from secretary general Ziba Jiyane. The move was described as symptomatic of much deeper problems between the two leaders.
Although Felgate’s bid failed, it is not the first time the leadership has come to proverbial blows over control of the R260 000 parliamentary allowances paid to the IFP’s 87 MPs each month. KwaZulu-Natal MP Arthur Konigkramer — the man Felgate argued should relieve Jiyane of his financial responsibilities — earlier fell out with Jiyane after arguing that as treasurer general he should decide how party resources are spent.
Ironically, Felgate and Konig-kramer tussled last year over the provincial constitution, but they have now joined forces in a bid to cut Jiyane’s purse strings.
The three men operate from separate offices in Durban: Jiyane from the party’s office in the city centre; Felgate from an IFP consitutional subcommittee’s office in an upmarket suburb; and Konigkramer from dusty Umgeni Road. At one stage there was speculation that Konigkramer was trying to shut down Jiyane’s offices, and Felgate has reportedly been asked by Jiyane to justify the expenditure on his office.
While some IFP leaders argue that “there can only be one bull in the kraal”, others say this perspective is a relic of the party’s autocratic past; that all organisations have power struggles, and the trick is to manage them.
The resolution of these struggles will inevitably lead to the second major task facing the IFP: democratisation and modernisation.
Jiyane launched a major bid to “deepen democracy” at last year’s national conference. He was promptly shot down by Premier Frank Mdlalose, who argued that the IFP has always been democratic.
Party officials say little has changed since then, and time is running out: if the IFP fails to transform by 1997, it will be hard-pressed to make significant gains in the 1999 elections, and could even face significant desertions.
A significant obstacle to reform lies in the ongoing power play. Correctional Services Minister Sipo Mzimela’s election as the IFP’s deputy national chairman last year — a post not mentioned by the party’s constitution — created enormous confusion about the chain of command in the party’s highest echelons.
Jiyane’s efforts to make MPs accountable to the grassroots membership have met resistance, particularly from those leaders with no popular base whose power derives exclusively from the patronage of IFP leader Mangosuthu Buthelezi.
Some party leaders blame Buthelezi’s own style of operation: power and influence continue to vest in him, resulting in various factions constantly vying for his approval. The leaders argue that the deep entrenchment of this style within the party makes it almost impossible for it to change under his leadership.
Observers say this dilemma is not unique to the IFP: PW Botha negotiated with Nelson Mandela, but only FW de Klerk was capable of taking the National Party into the new era.
The IFP’s national conference will have to project a new image, not only for the party, but also for the provincial government it leads. KwaZulu-Natal’s local government election results demonstrated that rallies and branch launches — both of which inevitably trigger violence — can at best hold on to existing support, but only delivery can build new support.
Delivery requires competent, efficient and accountable ministers, and the party will be under pressure to undertake a major provincial cabinet reshuffle to achieve this. At least one empty seat has to be filled, but the IFP will also have to oust some of its deadbeats — and this will require breaking with its tradition of eternal power.
Retaining traditionalists like Welfare MEC Prince Gideon Zulu and Public Works MEC Celani Mtetwa — both of whom face possible hit-squad charges — does the party’s image no good. They are unable to relate to modern political institutions, and are inaccessible to the public, the legislature and standing committees.
National Arts and Culture Minister Ben Ngubane’s imminent return to the province is a positive step. He is seen as an efficient, accessible minister who fits into a modern democracy. One question being asked in IFP circles, however, is whether this is a demotion for Ngubane because of his proximity to the ANC nationally, or whether Buthelezi has asked Mdlalose to step down as premier to allow Ngubane to take the reins.
Either way, Mdlalose’s position is untenable. He is not only premier but also Safety and Security MEC. He is overstretched, with correspondence from his office sometimes reaching legislature standing committees way after deadline.
Other national leaders are also expected to return to the province, but it is unclear whether this will happen now. If the IFP only replaces Finance MEC Senzele Mlhungu with Ngubane and waits for the provincial constitution to pave the way for more posts, it could be a long wait.
Speculation in IFP circles is that at least two national leaders — particularly those with strong grassroots bases, such as senators Phillip Powell and Senzo Mfayla — could return to bolster the provincial legislature. Other names mooted include Felgate, Narend Singh and Musa Zondi.
Only after these issues are dealt with can the IFP seriously begin deliberations on possible alliances. Party leaders say there is unlikely to be a big-bang announcement on this and, for the time being, the party is content to play the field.
For a party counting its recent election losses, the IFP is in a strong position, with both the ANC and NP wooing it.
Buthelezi’s comments after Tuesday’s meeting with NP leader De Klerk suggest he sees no contradiction in co-operating with the ANC in the national and local governments and co-operating with the NP provincially. He has nothing to lose and will want to gain as much as possible from both his suitors: the NP can help him extract greater provincial powers from the ANC, while the ANC can offer him a national profile — some say even a deputy presidency — and a foothold in the key urban centres of KwaZulu-Natal.
As long as they both continue to woo him, he will get the best deal possible. Only when push comes to shove is the party likely to take a clear stand.