One of the government’s pressing dilemmas is what to do about South Africa’s growing energy demands, given that the country’s power generation capacity will peak in two years’ time. The authorities have undertaken to supply 80% of households with electricity by 2014, and abundant cheap energy is a prerequisite for economic progress. Yet none of the options is entirely unproblematic. Fossil fuels are a finite resource, and coal-fired power stations a key reason for South Africa’s lamentable standing as one of the world’s worst carbon polluters, leaving aside their impact on the health of communities. Renewable energy sources obviously have a greater role to play — but simply cannot meet the country’s short- or even medium-term needs. The government’s stated target for renewables is equivalent to the output of two Eskom 600 megawatt coal-fired units by 2013, or 4% of South Africa’s electricity supply. Environmental lobby group Earthlife Africa, the most vocal proponent of renewables, has set a target of just 20% of total generation by 2020.
That leaves nuclear power. Given the dangers associated with it — witness Chernobyl, which remains a smouldering problem for Russia and, potentially, Europe — the risks to workers’ health, and the difficulties associated with waste disposal, the Mail & Guardian can understand the stance of green purists. Recent events at Pelindaba have highlighted the safety concerns surrounding the nuclear industry. And in this edition, the M&G reveals the absence of long-term planning for the disposal of spent fuels, as well as the fact that Pelindaba’s existing storage facility fails to meet world standards.
Yet we believe the revolutionary nuclear technology used in the pebble bed modular reactor (PBMR) offers a feasible option as one of a range of energy sources needed to meet mounting demand. Expected to be running by 2010 and to replace coal-fired stations over time, the PBMR is smaller than Keoberg and generates less power — but can be boosted by the addition of other reactors. Critically, scientists assure us that because it uses the inert gas helium rather than steam, it is extremely safe, and that the accidents associated with the older technologies used in Chernobyl and Three Mile Island simply cannot happen.
To allay public fears about the PBMR, however, a policy of openness is indispensable. The recent heavy-handed moves by President Thabo Mbeki and Minerals and Energy Minister Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka to stamp on protest are likely only to fuel public fear and suspicion. The South African Nuclear Energy Corporation (Necsa) has gone the right route by engaging journalists and setting up a commission to probe worker illnesses allegedly linked to radiation exposure. As Necsa has pledged, the commission must include independent experts. Also key to an open-door policy is a vigorously independent nuclear regulator, willing to interrogate and, if need be, crack down on the industry.
Coupled with this must be a clear final policy on the disposal both of accumulated waste stored at Pelindaba and Koeberg and whatever isgenerated by the PBMR. The options — specifically the location of the depository land and whether it should be an underground or a surface facility — must be thoroughly aired. Finally, it needs to be recognised that nuclear power is in itself based on the finite resource of uranium, and that in the long term renewable energy is the only way to go. Far more public investment is needed in this area. The government should be demonstrating the same enthusiasm for the development of sustainable energy sources — sun, tides and wind — as it has shown for the PBMR.
A vital institution
The Scorpions are one of South Africa’s most effective institutions. Not only have they notched up successes against organised and other forms of high-level crime, they have displayed a healthy independence, taking on politicians and the politically connected. Not unexpectedly, they have come underenormous pressure. Their future is subject to a commission of inquiry.
The revelation that one of the unit’s most senior officers is being investigated for alleged embezzlement may tighten the screws. The Scorpions are not run efficiently, as a string of revelations in the Mail & Guardian about tender irregularities has shown. The sensitive nature of their work demands that the unit’s systems and staffers display integrity of a higher order. With former prosecutions head Bulelani Ngcuka gone, and many senior staffers following him, some of the unit’s weaknesses have become more apparent — and some of its foes have interpreted the decision to appoint an inquiry as a sign that even President Thabo Mbeki feels the unit has outlived its usefulness.
We trust they are wrong about the president; we believe they are wrong about the Scorpions. While South Africa has a long history of using commissions to manufacture politically expedient conclusions, we hope that Judge Sisi Khampepe’s inquiry will not follow suit. The rationale that gave rise to the Scorpions is as valid as ever: the need for an elite unit, housing under one roof the skills necessary for complex investigations — those requiring the coordination of legal expertise, sharp police work and targeted intelligence gathering.
The unit’s tight structure, its ability to attract and pay professionals, and its ability to cut across the usual boundaries of intelligence, investigation and prosecution have made it a force to be reckoned with. There are concerns about the potential abuse of such power, but so far the evidence of this is relatively slim. There are a number of practical ways to structure checks against abuse.
The tendency of organised and corporate crime to find political bedfellows makes it even more vital to have an institution that can tackle politically sensitive cases without fear or favour. We hope Judge Khampepe has thewisdom to secure this for future generations. It is also the job of Ngcuka’ssuccessor, Vusi Pikoli, to ensure that he cleans out the rot and instils a sense of unity in this most vital institution.