The revelation that Blair had supported the US president’s plans to go to war with Iraq even in the absence of a second UN resolution contrasts with the assurances the prime minister gave Parliament shortly after. On February 25 2003 — three weeks after his trip to Washington — Blair told the Commons that the government was giving ”Saddam one further, final chance to disarm voluntarily”.
He added: ”Even now, today, we are offering Saddam the prospect of voluntary disarmament through the UN. I detest his regime — I hope most people do — but even now, he could save it by complying with the UN’s demand. Even now, we are prepared to go the extra step to achieve disarmament peacefully.”
On March 18, before the crucial vote on the war, he told MPs: ”The UN should be the focus both of diplomacy and of action… [and that not to take military action] would do more damage in the long term to the UN than any other single course that we could pursue.”
The meeting between Bush and Blair, attended by six close aides, came at a time of growing concern about the failure of any hard intelligence to back up claims that Saddam was producing weapons of mass destruction in breach of UN disarmament obligations. It took place a few days before the then US Secretary Colin Powell made claims — since discredited — in a dramatic presentation at the UN about Iraq’s weapons programme.
Earlier in January 2003, Jack Straw, the British Foreign Secretary, expressed his private concerns about the absence of a smoking gun in a private note to Blair, according to the book. He said he hoped that the UN’s chief weapons inspector, Hans Blix, would come up with enough evidence to report a breach by Iraq of is its UN obligations.
Downing Street did not deny the existence of the memo on Thursday night, but said: ”The prime minister only committed UK forces to Iraq after securing the approval of the House of Commons in a vote on March 18, 2003.” It added the decision to resort to military action to ensure Iraq fulfilled its obligations imposed by successive security council resolutions was taken only after attempts to disarm Iraq had failed. ”Of course during this time there were frequent discussions between the UK and US governments about Iraq. We do not comment on the prime minister’s conversations with other leaders.”
Menzies Campbell, the British Liberal Democrat acting leader, said on Thursday night: ”The fact that consideration was apparently given to using American military aircraft in UN colours in the hope of provoking Saddam Hussein is a graphic illustration of the rush to war. It would also appear to be the case that the diplomatic efforts in New York after the meeting of January 31 were simply going through the motions.
”The prime minister’s offer of February 25 to Saddam Hussein was about as empty as it could get. He has a lot of explaining to do.”
Sands says Jeremy Greenstock, Britain’s UN ambassador at the time, told a foreign colleague he was ”clearly uncomfortable” about the failure to get a second resolution. British Foreign Office lawyers consistently warned that an invasion would be regarded as unlawful. The book reveals that Elizabeth Wilmshurst, the FO’s deputy chief legal adviser who resigned over the war, told the Butler inquiry into the use of intelligence during the run-up to the war, of her belief that Goldsmith, the attorney general, shared the FO view. According to private evidence to the Butler inquiry, Goldsmith told FO lawyers in early 2003: ”The prime minister has told me that I cannot give advice, but you know what my views are”.
On March 7 2003 he advised the prime minister that the Bush administration believed that a case could be made for an invasion without a second UN resolution. But he warned that Britain could be challenged in the international criminal court. Ten days later, he said a second resolution was not necessary. – Guardian Unlimited Â