Thousands of youngsters singing ‘De la Rey, De la Reyâ€, fabricated SMS warnings about Madiba’s supposed death, marches about crime and Afrikaans — is something happening among Afrikaners? Are we on the verge of a right-wing uprising?
The answer is ‘yes†and ‘noâ€. Something is happening — but we are not seeing the start of a violent uprising.
South Africa’s three million ‘Afrikaners†can be broken down as follows:
About 2% to 3% can be considered ‘far rightâ€, including the Suidlanders and the Boeremag.
About 2% can be considered to be ‘far leftâ€, politically correct and ANC members.
The two ‘middle groupsâ€, which are both, in principle, committed to the new South Africa. The first is conservative and opposed to elements of the new South Africa, but know these cannot be changed by force. They use democratic means to negotiate a better deal for white Afrikaners, and mostly vote Freedom Front Plus, Democratic Alliance or abstain in principle. They make up about 50% of Afrikaners.
The second comprises more liberal-minded, mostly young Afrikaners, who support most elements of the new South Africa, and who have no desire to change anything by political means. They are non-racial in their thinking and are proud of being South Africans — and Afrikaners. They may vote DA, ID or not at all because they feel no party affiliation They make up about 45% of Afrikaners.
A number of factors affect these groups, some of which do not affect Afrikaners only. They include crime and lack of security; when criminals frequently barge into homes and hold up families, it doesn’t help to point out that black South Africans suffer more.
Lack of delivery and maintenance and deteriorating electricity supply, roads, municipal services and health services are also factors, as is affirmative action, which creates the perception that white South Africans have no employment future.
Young Afrikaners experience racism, especially through new populist sounds from Africans and Africanisation — not from senior politicians, but mediocre local politicians or officials who often play the race card.
Some government actions are perceived as attacks on Afrikaners specifically; these include farm attacks.
Afrikaans-medium schools are being made dual-medium, and then English. When the government faces a choice between a short-term political priority such as school access and a long-term goal such as mother-tongue instruction, there is no contest. At a tertiary level and in the public sphere, Afrikaans is also under pressure.
Name changes of towns and cities is another pressure point. Local politicians, incapable of delivering effective services to the poor, fall back on symbolic change. Infighting in the ANC, as in Potchefstroom, often leave well-meaning Afrikaners in the crossfire.
Politicians are not interested in compromise. Arts and Culture Minister Pallo Jordan’s recent justificatory utterances in Rapport about trends on how black South Africans suffered under apartheid have not helped.
These negative factors have converged to create a gatvol (fed up) attitude. Even more importantly, the two middle groups have been drawn together by language, name changes and farm attacks. De la Rey is the symbol of this new-found unity.
The point is that Afrikaners from different ends of the middle ground are now marching together against crime and name changes, and protesting for language rights. For some of us, this is a strange feeling.
But neither middle group will support violence. They will use and respect the courts, and use peaceful protest and civil disobedience.
They are part of the longest economic upswing since World War II. They appreciate our democracy and the political stability entrenched by a good Constitution. They enjoy the international access and acceptability South Africans have.
They point out that Afrikaans is alive and well in the commercial sphere — Steve Hofmeyr sold the most albums of all local artists a year or two ago. And Afrikaans is increasingly shedding its apartheid baggage.
On the other hand, young Afrikaners have less and less tolerant of incompetence or political correctness — they have shed the apartheid guilt. More vocal and legal opposition can be expected to perceived discrimination.
That a uprising is not imminent does not mean the feelings of alienation and disempowerment are unimportant. Physical and emotional emigration cost the country skills, patriotism, commitment and non-racialism.
What can government do?
Be serious and consistent about Afrikaans as a national asset in schools and universities.
Accept the bona fides of (especially young) Afrikaners who want to contribute to the country. Don’t exclude them from public life and jobs because of the sins of their fathers.
De-politicise name changes: take decisions about them away from local politicians; and consult nationally on possible compromises.
Perhaps the De la Rey song is asking for just that: lead us, anyone — just show leadership.