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Pearlie Joubert, Stefaans Brümmer, Nic Dawes, Sam Sole, Adriaan Basson27 Mar 2009 07:07
The National Prosecuting Authority is reeling over “devastating” evidence of collusion between its former officials and former president Thabo Mbeki in the prosecution of Jacob Zuma—but NPA leaders are divided about whether the charges against the ANC president are affected and should be dropped.
Zuma’s lawyers handed the evidence—recordings of tapped phone conversations involving former Scorpions boss Leonard McCarthy and former NPA head Bulelani Ngcuka, among others—to the NPA earlier this year as part of their representations as to why Zuma’s corruption case should be dropped.
There was furious lobbying and damage control this week by both the ANC and the Congress of the People (Cope) as news leaked out that Zuma’s dossier to the NPA included the recordings.
The recordings are a double-edged sword. They present the NPA with its biggest scandal yet, allegedly showing that this independent institution was abused politically.
But the fact that the recordings were made and came into Zuma’s possession also implies abuse of the state’s intelligence apparatus.
Ngcuka and prominent businessmen who feature in the recordings are now associated with Cope.
Two daily newspapers reported last week that the NPA was about to drop the fraud and corruption charges against Zuma following his team’s representations.
The M&G revealed last week that the information put before acting NPA head Mokotedi Mpshe included ‘evidence” of wrongdoing by Mbeki, relating both to his role in the arms deal and to his alleged interference with the Scorpions, a division of the NPA.
It appears some of those featured in the recordings became aware of it during the NPA’s ‘verification” of the information Zuma’s lawyers presented. Two sources who have been briefed on the contents of the recordings said this week that reports that Mbeki himself was tapped were probably wrong—rather, it is the references others make to him that are damaging.
The M&G‘s sources, one sympathetic to Zuma, the other not, said:
Ngcuka declined in 2003 to prosecute Zuma despite saying there was a ‘prima facie case” against him. The Zuma camp interpreted this as intended to convict him in the court of public opinion.
Ngcuka’s successor, Vusi Pikoli, decided to charge Zuma in 2005 after Schabir Shaik’s conviction. Mpshe took the decision to recharge Zuma last year after the matter had been struck off the roll. Nothing in the recordings, said the source, tainted Pikoli or Mpshe’s own decisions.
The source said Hofmeyr was extremely influential in the NPA and described Mpshe, who must make the final decision about the charges, as ‘weak”.
The source added that the Zuma lawyers’ representations were ‘unconvincing” and did not warrant ‘a second look” at the charges.
However, a Zuma strategist said the recordings trumped part of the Supreme Court of Appeal judgment this year which reinstated charges against Zuma after they were thrown out by High Court Judge Chris Nicholson.
The SCA ruled that contact between politicians and the NPA was not wrong unless there was an ulterior motive and that a prosecution is not wrongful merely because it is brought for an improper purpose. Now, said the strategist, an ulterior motive had been revealed.
A second legal source said the Zuma strategy was clearly to convince Mpshe the tapes were so damning that the NPA should drop the charges now and save face. If it did not, the recordings would be introduced to the high court in August as part of Zuma’s application for a permanent stay of prosecution.
If the battle shifts to that venue, Zuma’s legal team will have to show the recordings were properly obtained and that they undermine any chance of a fair trial. The NPA would counter by saying the motive does not affect the merits of the case.
The recordings are understood to include material showing McCarthy’s overly political understanding of his role.
He allegedly makes statements, including ‘Mbeki is my president, he will always be my president”. After Mbeki’s Polokwane defeat, he allegedly said: ‘We must wipe the blood off our faces ... it is time for a come-back strategy.”
Also in the recordings:
Mbeki’s spokesperson, Mukoni Ratshitanga, was quoted by 702 Talk Radio as denying that Mbeki had discussed the case with McCarthy. He told the M&G there was no statement from Mbeki.
The recordings appear to be the fruit of intelligence gathering by both the National Intelligence Agency and the police crime intelligence division. NIA spokesperson Lorna Daniels said the agency would neither confirm nor deny its involvement.
The police crime intelligence leg of the surveillance was apparently conducted after a legal warrant had been secured to monitor McCarthy.
The M&G previously reported that police intercepted McCarthy’s conversations in October 2007.
Police spokesperson Sally de Beer refused comment.
Read more from Pearlie Joubert
Stefaans is an old hand at investigations. A politics and journalism graduate, he cut his reporting teeth at the Cape Argus in the tumultuous early 1990s; then joined the Mail & Guardian as democracy dawned in April 1994.
For the next 16 years (a late-1990s diversion into television and freelancing apart), the M&G was his journalistic home and launch pad for award-winning investigations focusing on the nexus between politics and money.
Stefaans has co-authored exposés including Oilgate, the Selebi affair, Chancellor House and significant breaks in the arms deal scandal.
Stefaans and Sam Sole co-founded amaBhungane in 2010. He divides his time between the demands of media bureaucracy (which he detests), coaching members of the amaBhungane team, and his first love, digging for dung.
Read more from Stefaans Brümmer
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