Graphic: John McCann/M&G
Justice and courts are inseparable ideas — you can’t have one without the other. That’s just as true on the global stage. International courts are central to the pursuit of justice beyond borders. Every year on 17 July — International Justice Day — we mark the anniversary of the Rome Statute, which brought the International Criminal Court (ICC) into being in 1998.
The ICC was a bold step. For the first time, individuals — not just states — could be held accountable for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. It marked a second wave in the rise of international courts/criminal jurisdiction on an international scale. The first wave began with the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and its predecessor, where states agreed to resolve disputes under international law.
Now, we may be entering a third wave. The proposed international anti-corruption court (IAC-Court) could usher in what you might call International Courts 3.0. It sets out to achieve what no global court has done before: tackle transnational corruption, a crime so widespread and damaging that, despite being classified as a treaty crime under international law, it is still not recognised as a crime in some jurisdictions.
This contradiction lies at the heart of the problem: corruption is treated as a global menace, yet in practice, its legal definition remains fragmented and politically contested.The IAC-Court will take on the kleptocrats, money-launderers and powerful elites who steal from their own people, yet live untouched in luxury.
This year’s International Justice Day theme, Empowering Inclusion Bridging Gaps for Social Justice, emphasising the significance of inclusive policies and social protection in managing systematic inequality couldn’t be more relevant. A recent report by Oxfam Africa’s Inequality Crisis and the Rise of the Super-Rich revealed that just four of Africa’s richest billionaires hold $57.4 billion in wealth — more than the combined wealth of 750 million people, or half the continent’s population. Oxfam in Africa director Fati N’Zi-Hassane has aptly observed — and this view is shared in this analysis — that “Africa’s wealth is not missing. It’s being siphoned off by a rigged system that allows a small elite to amass vast fortunes while denying hundreds of millions even the most basic services. This is an utter policy failure — unjust, avoidable and entirely reversible.’’
Corruption and inequality go hand in hand. In the world’s most unequal societies, corruption thrives. It feeds off weak institutions, distorts tax systems, siphons off public money and blocks access to education and healthcare for the poor — all while the wealthy grow richer and more insulated. Think about the offshore mansions, the yachts, the art collections. They’re not just symbols of excess — they’re the receipts for stolen futures. Every stolen dollar is a classroom not built, a hospital left underfunded, a road unpaved.
Despite its effect, grand corruption often goes unpunished. National systems are either unwilling or unable to prosecute the powerful — and that’s exactly why the IAC-Court matters. It would step in where domestic systems fail, giving victims of corruption something they’ve rarely seen: accountability.
The IAC-Court signals a third wave in international justice, one where impunity for economic and financial crimes is no longer tolerated and cannot be afforded considering the social injustices the masses face globally. It builds on the legacies of the ICJ and the ICC by addressing new global realities with a two-division court that has both a Criminal Division and an Assets Division for civil proceedings.
One of the clearest reasons for creating the IAC-Court lies in a glaring global contradiction: laws to prosecute specific crimes such as bribery, embezzlement, and money laundering that constitute grand corruption already exist in all countries, but enforcement is rare, resulting in impunity. The IAC-Court would address this widespread enforcement gap, helping to raise standards and encourage more domestic enforcement. The proposed IAC-Court will:
a) Punish and deter corrupt senior government officials and their co-conspirators (such as bribe payers and money launderers);
b) Recover and return stolen assets for the benefit of victim populations; and
c) Work with and provide advice and assistance to national-level anti-corruption institutions seeking to support and/or augment their capacity.
The IAC-Court would prosecute high-level corruption cases, particularly where domestic systems fail. Explicitly focused on grand corruption, its main goals are to prosecute corrupt officials, recover stolen assets, support domestic anti-corruption efforts and strengthen international cooperation. It will only take on cases when governments are unwilling or unable to act, a principle known as complementarity.
For too long, corruption has been treated as an internal matter, a domestic issue that countries should handle on their own. In the 21st century, it is no longer realistic to view corruption as a local issue. Corruption has used the tools of globalisation to become a transnational crime. This global spread makes it nearly impossible for national systems to tackle it effectively. Unless countries cooperate and a supranational body with real power is established, justice will remain out of reach, regardless of how inclusive the policies or well-designed the social protection programmes may be, and addressing systemic inequality will continue to fail, harming nations.
The IAC-Court could break the cycle of impunity by enforcing clear legal standards against corruption. As we enter the era of International Courts 3.0, World Justice Day 2025 calls us to seize this moment — to create a world where justice reaches even the most powerful perpetrators of grand corruption. The true test lies in political will. Leaders must take bold action to sign, ratify, and fully support the IAC-Court. Citizens must demand change — demand accountability — to dismantle impunity, build strong and effective institutions, and confront systemic inequality. Only then can we empower inclusion and deliver on the promise of social justice.
Prosper S Maguchu is an assistant professor of law specialising in financial crimes. Pusetso Morapedi is Africa coordinator for Integrity Initiatives International and a former Southern Africa director of Platform to Protect Whistleblowers in Africa.