‘We have not for some time seen anything like the Watergate caper now unfolding in weird and scarcely believable detail, right down to the taped locks, the rubber gloves, the tear gas pens, the array of electronic equipment and the crisp new hundred dollar bills in the hands of five men who stole into Democratic Party headquarters the other night under the cover of darkness.” The Washington Post, June 21 1972.
The temptation to draw parallels between the “plot” against President Thabo Mbeki and the Watergate scandal of the United States in the 1970s is irresistible.
Many a great leader has fallen not because of under-performing in high office, but because they became distracted from their task by an over-consciousness of their enemies.
This seems to be the case in modern-day South African politics following allegations of a “plot” to overthrow President Thabo Mbeki. Even by admission of his closest comrades, Mbeki seems to have been distracted from his prime task of governing the country by an allegation that a person or persons would like him replaced as the head of state.
Minister of Safety and Security Steve Tshwete told Parliament’s safety and security portfolio committee on Thursday that he had not consulted the president on the plot, claiming he would have been fired if he had done so.
Yet all indications are that the plot allegations were investigated and marshalled by an African National Congress intelligence unit.
It was this unit which presumably alerted safety and security officials to a rumour allegedly to be spread by Matthews Phosa that Mbeki was involved in the conspiracy to kill Chris Hani.
Is the country now expected to believe that such an allegation was known inside an ANC structure and that the president of the party was kept unaware of it?
Why does the ANC have an intelligence unit? After the Codesa negotiations members of the ANC’s department of intelligence were integrated into police intelligence, the National Intelligence Agency and military intelligence.
Does the unit exist because of the ANC leadership’s preoccupation with its opponents? How much of the unit’s work is directed at investigating persons outside of the ANC?
What little detail we have of the unit thus far is enough to draw a parallel with the Watergate affair. We have the commissioner of police handing over bugging devices to a civilian, the devices presumably being the property of the South African Police Service.
We know that the commissioner was drawn into the affair at the behest of the ANC’s intelligence unit.
We know that James Nkambule the alleged fraudster at the centre of the allegations against Phosa had been drawn into a plot to betray his one-time political and business ally.
That Nkambule was employed as an ANC intelligence agent is inexcusable.
There is no evidence in any of his affidavits to the ANC and police that he had heard Phosa planning to topple the president by criminal means.
Rather, Phosa was allegedly trying to topple the president through rumour or disinformation campaigns, which does not constitute a criminal offence in South Africa.
Phosa is alleged to have been involved in some criminal activity, but that has nothing to do with the alleged plot against Mbeki. Tshwete now seems to acknowledge that the “threat” against the president was nothing more than Phosa and his associates’ disinformation campaign.
Can words cause grievious bodily harm, and does this justify the use of state apparatus and private spying organisations?
If starting a rumour prompts a probe by the security establishment, there are probably thousands of women who lean daily across their garden fences to chat to their neighbours who can expect a visit from the police soon.
A hard-won right
World Press Freedom Day, marked this year on Thursday May 3, is an apt occasion to celebrate the hard-won right of all South Africans to freedom of expression.
It is all too easy to forget that, a few short years ago, one of the world’s most oppressive regimes sought to deprive this nation of this right.
Freedom of the press is claimed as the right of every member of society to the freedom to express himself or herself. There is reason to be proud that those who sought to deny us this right were defeated by the people of South Africa.
While political threats to freedom of the press are constantly identified and repelled, the more insidious influences of commercial interests must also be recognised and engaged.
Media managers, public relations practitioners and advertising interests must not be permitted to dictate editorial content.
When journalists who subscribe to ethical principles discharge their duties they do so as a service to society, not as the lackeys of vested interests, be these political or commercial.