/ 30 June 1989

New Emperor, same old clothes

The new emperor appeared before his people yesterday – wearing old clothes. As the National Party Federal Congress laid PW Botha to rest in Pretoria and hailed FW de Klerk, it endorsed a programme of ”new action” – which represents no fundamental change in the ruling party’s vision. While the ”five-year plan” heralds some shifts of detail in the way the country will be governed, it suggests that ”change” in the De Klerk era will have more to do with style than content. 

The key principles for a ”new South Africa” after September’s elections, announced by De Klerk, are that the country must be a democracy in which: 

  • No group dominates or is dominated. 
  • The independence of the judiciary is upheld and honoured.  
  • Civilised norms apply. 
  • A dynamic economy thrives, based on free enterprise. 
  • Everybody lives in safety and harmony. 
  • There are good neighbourly relationships with the international community. 

However, in the definition of key terms such as ”democracy” and ”domination”, it is clear that the ruling party’s thinking is no closer than before to countenancing a one person- one-vote system – the basic demand of resistance groups. In particular, the ”group” basis of the ruling party’s ideology remains inviolate, although the concept of an additional, voluntary ”open” group appears to have been accepted. 

De Klerk said the key to ”group security and constructive co-operation between groups” lay in the discovery of a widely acceptable basis for defining the concept. ”Democracy”, under the amended vision, would reside in a form of racially-defined federation with checks and balances to rule out majoritarianism. The ”Plan of Action” lays great stress on the importance of ”negotiation with representative leaders”, but does not indicate who would fall into this category. It is also noteworthy that while the 22-page document- which is effectively an election manifesto – is peppered with 14 references to ”negotiations”, there are no less than 39 mentions of the ”group” concept of society. 

Basking in the warmth of the welcome he received from the 1 700 delegates, De Klerk said he could ”feel the pulse of nationalism” beating in Pretoria’s City Hall, and had no doubt that the party was marching toward a decisive electoral victory. He called on the delegates (”the leadership corps of the party”) not just to endorse the plan formally, but to ”make it your own, participate, and inspire your followers”. He urged white voters to link arms, and help him follow in the footsteps of the ”political giants” of the party who had preceded him. 

The NP’s was the only viable option for South Africa, said De Klerk, and he lambasted both the Conservative and Democratic Parties for indulging in ”dream politics” (droompolitiek). ”Droompolitiek bring revolusie,” (Dream politics brings revolution) he said. One of the Nationalist ”giants” to whom De Klerk was referring – still-incumbent State President PW. Botha – cast only a very small shadow over the congress. Botha, who had declined to attend was not present at yesterday’s deliberations, was despatched within minutes of the congress’ opening. In a brief speech introducing a motion of tribute to Botha and his wife, De Klerk said a ”change of leadership in an established party with a proud record of long service and achievements always involves both sadness and appreciation”. It meant the ”end of a chapter”, he said, adding that during his 50-year career Botha had made contributions which would irrevocably influence the future. He hoped that the ”new phase” of the Bothas’ life ”outside party politics” would ”bring them more fulfillment and depth”. The motion, passed unanimously, was greeted by a standing ovation, but it was markedly more restrained than that given to the new party leader. 

Botha’s decade-long grip’ on the ruling party was nowhere reflected in the hall; the only portraits were full-colour studies of De Klerk, bearing the legend ”FW: Man van Aksiel Man of Action”. De Klerk’s personal dominance of the gathering was underscored by congress chairman Stoffel Botha, the retiring Minister of Home Affairs. Circumstances had necessitated a ”renewal of leadership”, he said, and the NP was once again standing at a crucial political crossr6ads. 

”Now we stand here deeply confident that we can now move forward under the leadership of FW de Klerk,” he said. Although vague (probably intentionally) in detail about its implementation, certain pointers toward the NP’s future political parameters emerged from De Klerk’s address. ”Negotiation” is considered imperative because of a ”realisation that a new democratic dispensation cannot be attained by the NP acting unilaterally”. The party accepts that ”in the final analysis a secure future can only be built on a broad consensus between representative leaders of the population”. To this is attached the NP’s ”mainstay of the framework for a new South Africa … the realistic accommodation of the diversity of our country. Protection of group security is a prerequisite … ” This involves the right to ”own” areas and schools, while provision is made for ”greater freedom of choice” for those who do not wish to live as a ”group”. lt is clear, however, that the Group Areas Act will remain for the foreseeable future, but will be ”more sensitively” policed. 

De Klerk insisted on the need for the retention of strong defence and police forces, but said ”discrimination” had to go and educational opportunities had to be improved, as did housing and facilities. These changes rested on the successful development of the economy. South Africa would be accepted back into the international community, he said. Concerning the internal strife which has been caused to the party since Botha’ s decision to separate the executive and party leaderships, the federal congress undertook to reassess the ”functions and powers” of the state president.

This article originally appeared in the Weekly Mail.

 

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