Gregory Mthembu-Salter
While tensions flared in neighbouring Zimbabwe last weekend, the Zambian government reassured its predominantly white commercial farmers and the international community that there would be no farm invasions in Zambia.
Agriculture Minister Suresh Desai said instead, “Zambia has plenty of land that needs to be developed to enhance economic development.” Desai’s remarks characterised Zambia’s approach to donors – concede that Zambia has problems, but remind them that the situation is far better than that of Zimbabwe, Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo.
In comparison, Zambia appears a haven of stability. With the country just having privatised its mines, recent indications of donor goodwill, such as an $81-million pledge from Britain to refurbish mining infrastructure and $63-million in balance of payments support from the World Bank, appear justified.
However, human rights organisations in Zambia are worried about the increasing centralisation of power around the president, which they anticipate will worsen as general elections, scheduled for next year, loom closer.
Zambian President Frederick Chiluba is currently personally appointing district administrators all over Zambia, and the relationship of these officials to democratically constituted local councils remains unclear.
Ngande Mwanajiti, head of the Zambian human rights organisation Afronet, alleges that most of the administrators appointed so far are ill-qualified cadres of the ruling Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD). According to Mwanajiti, “the process is a blatant politicisation of the civil service”.
Local councils in Zambia are almost bankrupt, and morale is low. Kitwe town clerk Ali Simwinga says nearly every council worker wants early retirement. This would create a fresh financial crisis for the council since it cannot afford to pay their severance packages.
District administrators, however, already have luxury vehicles, and have recently demanded extra staff, entertainment allowances and their own generous retirement packages.
Officially, administrators control Zambia’s constituency development fund and report directly to Chiluba. The fund pays for local projects of the kind that endear MPs to their constituents, and ministers have been warning MPs that good working relationships with the administrators are key to their political survival.
Minister without portfolio Michael Sata bluntly told Parliament recently that “all those shunning administrators are creating their own downfall because these are the officers who control constituency development funds which all of you MPs need for your projects”.
The Zambian Constitution allows presidents two terms in office, so Chiluba cannot stand in 2001. Yet there are rumours that he wants to continue to dominate Zambian affairs by controlling the district administrators and marshalling their influence to help the campaign of whomever he chooses as his successor.
The MMD presidential candidate is to be elected at a special convention, but Chilubahas already left his mark on the process by banning anyone from campaigning for the nomination. Despite the ban, MMD stalwart and Chiluba’s uncle Ben Mwila has placed full-page ads in the newspapers criticising the government and calling for change. Officially, Mwila is “consulting supporters”, but his actions are clearly a bid for the MMD’s presidential nomination.
Mwila was previously Zambia’s defence minister, and he was suspected of aiding Unita. He lost his job after an attempted coup in Zambia in 1997, amid rumours that he was unpopular with army officers. Today, Mwila is the environment minister, but many wonder how, in the face of the advertising campaign, he is able to retain his post. One theory is that Mwila’s and Chiluba’s apparent clash is just Chiluba’s devious way of helping Mwila’s chances. Another is that Chiluba owes Mwila favours and dare not fire him for fear of what he might reveal.
Local human rights organisations are defending Mwila’s right to stand, even though they dread the prospect of his becoming president. If he does, relations with Angola could worsen, increasing the chance of Angola’s war spilling over into Zambia.
The danger for now, though, according to Mwanajiti, is increased presidential power and the rapid erosion of Zambia’s political institutions. But with the rest of the region in so much worse trouble, and Zambia’s political opposition in disarray, it is proving hard to persuade the international community to care.