Michael Berger CROSSFIRE
Set aside the picture of Jeremy Cronin as talented poet, devoted to exploring the deeper truths of human relationships; when it comes to politics Cronin can wield moral outrage and half-truths with the same uni- hemispheric abandon as any other party apparatchik. In the Mail & Guardian of July 7 to 13, he sets about tarring the Democratic Alliance / Democratic Party with the badly frayed racist and class brushes (”How the DP plays the race card”). I have previously argued that by harping on grievance in its public stance, the DP is in danger of exacerbating free-floating white bigotry and has laid itself open to the kind of charges Cronin makes. But that is not the whole story. Minority (white) fears and even anger at the loss of power and privilege in a precarious continent are not simply ”racial phobias” – they are rational and very human – and often justified, as for instance in the open exclusion of whites, especially males, from equal participation in public and economic life. Under the umbrella of ”transformation” and ”representivity” we see many elements of the old South African pattern of compartmentalisation and discrimination perpetuated. Quite apart from ”grievance”, what about whites who genuinely have something to contribute in the way of goodwill, skills and experience, but are sidelined by racial and other forms of stereotyping? Can and should the country afford that? Furthermore, the public marketing strategy of the DP has not done justice to its actual input into transformation. It is in danger of losing the rhetorical battle (not necessarily a bad thing), but its record in practice is mainly positive and constructive. In the long run, winning the high-decibel propaganda war does not make up for failure to deliver. But the racist tar is not fully exhausted and the DP is accused of racism and Zim-hysteria for its open opposition to the totalitarian antics of Robert Mugabe and his cronies to the north of us. It is not worth wasting print discussing the fake issue of ”land rights” as posed by Mugabe and tacitly endorsed by the African National Congress. The DP is joined in its condemnation of these transparent tactics by the rest of the world. And yes, Zimbabwe is worse than Swaziland. Zimbabwe had a reasonably decent Constitution, the rule of law, a potentially effective economy and educational infrastructure and surprisingly good race relations. After decades of abuse these advantages are threatened with total ruin. The major victims? The black population, of course; that is what really sticks in the craw. And here we get to the rub: whether it is better to spout dispirited slogans or, by opposing corruption, incompetence and sheer laziness, end the cycle of poverty and deprivation? How does Cronin feel about the unrestrained zeal with which many of his comrades have pursued the pot of gold at the end of the liberation rainbow, while their constituents languish in hovels? Or the anxious zeal with which the ANC is attempting to control all regions and aspects of South African life? Does Cronin feel that the faded monotones of an expurgated, romanticised ”working class” versus a villainous, Thatcherist conspiracy is a true picture of South African reality – or is the way to put bread and justice on the table? Let us step aside from this debate for a moment and take the entirely cynical view that the opinion and letters pages of newspapers are nothing but political theatre whereby political parties garner votes. To regard these polemics seriously, so it is argued, is to mistake Disneyland for the real world; policy is discussed and created in small ”think tanks”, in boardrooms, in secret caucuses, in the pages of specialist journals – anywhere – but other than the mass media. Hoi polloi are not deemed informed, intelligent or interested enough to be anything other than voting fodder, to be manipulated through political theatre staged by party strategists and abetted by the media who need to make a living. Thus, what Cronin writes in the pages of the M&G is not what he thinks or indicates his actual political position; it’s silly to take it seriously. The truth is more complex and more dangerous. Policy is also created by the drive of political groups for power, in which ”political theatre” itself becomes a perceptual reality governing the actions of political parties and the general polis, irrespective of the economic, social and multiple other realities ”out there”, beyond the confines of our collective skulls. In short, it asumes an independent life of its own, distorting judgement and limiting productive options. This is not the place to discuss the obstacles to escaping from the mutually reinforcing dynamics and cognitive faultlines that determine irrational and destructive political behaviour. It is also not the place to review the incredibly complex political terrain to be traversed by a South Africa seeking a decent future for all. But surely a first step in this journey is for intelligent and informed politicians to move beyond the ”tar and feather” style of political debate. This could take us beyond simplistic party or class paradigms, but so what? South Africa cannot afford this form of theatre, and in the kindest possible way I say: get real, Jeremy Cronin. Michael Berger is a retired professor of chemical pathology from the universities of Cape Town and Natal