The document on his desk, Why Revolutionaries Need Marxism: Philosophy and Class Struggle, provides a dog-eared hint of the past week’s mood. The general secretary of the South African Democratic Teachers Union (Sadtu), Thulas Nxesi, is one of nine trade union leaders who have been commanding their head- quarters, in inner-city Johannesburg, on a 24-hour basis since their announcement on Monday that up to 690 000 civil servants will hit the streets next Thursday.
This follows more than six months of rancorous wage talks between public service trade unions and the Department of Public Services and Administration.
“The levels of determination that I see now matches that in 1999. It has become intolerable now. In Cosatu [the Congress of South African Trade Unions] public sector unions have become the largest, but they are really insignificant in terms of the respect they have been given in bargaining terms by the government,” said Fikile “Slovo” Majola, the general secretary of the National Education, Health and Allied Workers Union (Nehawu).
In 1999 the country’s public service ground to a halt when more than 400 000 civil servants downed their tools for two days after Minister of Public Services and Administration Geraldine Fraser-Moleketi unilaterally implemented government’s offer.
Now, as trade unionists prepare for similar mass action, there is already a mood of triumph, a frame of mind that may be overconfident — although they are talking the talk, will they be able to walk the walk?
“The issue now is to what extent we are ready for sustained industrial action,” said Majola.
A strike committee has been formed — the engine of the machine — which includes one lower-ranking person from each trade union. They meet every day, often twice, and then report to the Committee of Principals, which includes the general secretaries and presidents of the trade unions, who rubber-stamp the decisions.
There certainly appears to be the will on the ground, particularly among teachers, for toyi-toying. But whether the trade union leaders will have the grit to sustain this action for more than a day is a different story. The government isn’t banking on it and, with its stringent “no work, no pay” policy, it seems likely that teachers will return to their classrooms and managers to their offices after the surge of September 16 — the day of the strike.
“It looks like people are keen — after every meeting I get a stream of SMS’s from members asking “What is the latest position?” said Mthimkulu Mashiya, the general secretary of the South African State and Allied Workers Union.
The ballot results for all the unions will be released on Monday.
There are 1,1-million civil servants in South Africa, of whom 852 937 are unionised. About half of these are “white-collar” workers — those in the upper bands of the public service — the other half are “blue-collar” workers, such as cleaners. Historically, the public service was racially divided with the top half predominantly white and shy of industrial action and the bottom half black and full of political zip. With democracy the racial representation of the civil service has changed.
“We always struggle with generating a sense of solidarity because civil servants in the upper bands prefer to shut themselves in their offices and communicate through e-mail,” said Mashiya.
The Public Servants Association, historically a skilled and white trade union, insists that its members are motivated. The general manager of the association, Anton Louwrens, said it has balloted 60% of its membership for the strike, predominantly lower-ranking civil servants.
Another snag is that 162 937 of the affected union members cannot strike because their sectors are considered essential services. The penalty for civil servants who breach this legislation is dismissal.
According to the general secretary of South African Democratic Nurses Union, Freddy Mohai, these unions are seeking legal opinion “to check whether we will be able to allow more of our members to strike”.
Fikile Hugo, the chairperson of the labour caucus representing the eight unions, confirmed that they were looking into options to circumvent the essential services legislation, “which may involve legal action”.
Dr Moji Mogari, the general secretary of the South African Medical Association, said “we share in the greater cause” as he reeled off the pay disparities between public sector and private sector doctors. The former earn on average R129 000 a year, while the latter earn about R400 000 a year.
While trade union and government negotiators have deadlocked over a percentage point, this has also become an ideological fight. Trade unionists say the government has reneged on an agreement taken at the Public Service Job Summit in Pietersburg in 2001 to include them in the formulation of the Medium Term Budget Framework. “We are not saying that we want to determine the budget, only influence it,” said Nxesi.
Currently trade unions will accept no less than a 7% pay rise (down from an original demand of 12%) and the government is resolute that it cannot offer more than 6% (its original offer was 4,5%). The unions have indicated that they will accept the 6% if the government drops a clause in its offer that freezes pay increases for the next two years.
Fraser-Moleketi has made it clear to labour that workers can accept no more than inflation-related increases, pegged at 5,4%, in 2005 and 2006.
“Which union would ever agree to their members getting no increment in the next two years? We are a union answerable to members,” said Nxesi.