Former Zimbabwe information minister Jonathan Moyo says claims by the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) that the ruling Zanu-PF rigged the elections are credible.
In an exclusive interview with the Mail & Guardian Online, Moyo also ruled out economic revival in Zimbabwe under President Robert Mugabe, whom he said has been in power for too long.
Stopping short of calling for immediate regime change, Moyo said Zimbabwe needs “an absolute renewal” because “the political cancer has gone too deep”.
Once regarded as the fiercest defender of the Mugabe regime, Moyo also lamented the system of patronage under Mugabe’s rule — which, ironically, many people believe was the reason for his rise in Zimbabwean politics.
1. How does it feel to sit in Parliament among parliamentarians who, by all public appearances, hate you? Zanu-PF regards you as a “traitor” or “defector” and the MDC views you as the architect of the current media regime, which it cites as one of the causes of electoral fraud since 2002. Mugabe also expressed these sentiments during this year’s campaign period, as did the opposition.
It’s a simplification that they do that. Many of them know better and are much more serious politicians who understand the challenges our country faces.
I have had a good working relationship with many in Zanu-PF and many in the MDC. Even the campaigning did not reflect what you are talking about, other than the vitriol that came from certain sections of Zanu-PF, but not all of them.
It is a fact that the national chairman of Zanu-PF, John Nkomo; VP Mujuru; Elliot Manyika; and Cain Mathema said a lot of things they are regretting right now, which are not shared by many people, even in Zanu-PF. The president himself led that chorus.
I’m sitting in Parliament as an elected member, and all of us have taken an oath of allegiance to Zimbabwe and are guided by the national interest. On the day of swearing-in, there was a clear demonstration that we are committed to working together.
2. Being the only independent MP, how are you going to make yourself effective in shaping national policy in Parliament, since the last Parliament showed us that MPs vote on partisan party lines?
It is regrettable that there is a history of voting on party lines, even when reason or national interest dictates otherwise. But Parliament is not just about voting. We’re elected to articulate national issues as they are, without fear or favour, and as an independent, I will not be constrained by so-called party lines.
Because of the polarisation and division in our country, having a true independent voice that is able to articulate issues of national concern is an advantage. My concern will be all the people of Zimbabwe.
3. Will you enter into any coalition with the opposition or the ruling party, and under what principle or understanding?
There is no need for me to enter into any coalition. I’m not going to enter into such a coalition. I’m not a member of either Zanu-PF or the MDC, and I have no intention of joining either.
I will work with those who are prepared to deal with Zimbabwe’s problems. Zimbabwe needs a political settlement. So, I will cast my vote with whoever takes the national position, even if it is the ruling party. My vote will not be guaranteed to anyone.
Certainly, I will be sitting there [in Parliament] in opposition to Zanu-PF. I ran a campaign opposing Zanu-PF in principle because of the unfortunate development in November [when Zanu-PF reprimanded Moyo and suspended six provincial chairpersons for taking part in the Tsholotsho “declaration” to choose an alternative candidate for the vice-presidency]. In general terms, I will be working together with the MDC as a constructive opposition. This is something I assured the electorate in Tsholotsho. People wanted to be assured that I will not take their vote to Zanu-PF, and I will not do so.
4. What is your view of the March 31 election? Was it fraudulent as the opposition says, given that you have also challenged certain Sections of the Electoral Act?
I have to make a correction here. I have not challenged Sections of the Electoral Act, as reported in the media. I have challenged a section of the electoral regulations, not the Electoral Act.
The reason for doing so is not to say the election was fraudulent, but that a key minimum condition was absent. However, the discrepancies that have been cited [by the MDC] are serious and you don’t have to be a specialist to realise that.
One instance in Beitbridge shows that. Before the announcement of result, the authority running the elections announced that 36 000 people had cast their vote, but when the result was announced, what came out was that 19 000 people had voted.
The same body [the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission] cannot say at one point that 36 000 people voted and then say 19 000 voted. It has never happened in the rational world that the preliminary figure is higher than the final figure, and by that margin.
You have to be totally mad or have a terrible leap of faith to believe that. It does not make any sense, especially since it is the same body that announced the preliminary figure and the final figure. You can’t have the left hand doing what the right hand doesn’t in the same body.
Many people are shocked that the response to this has been very casual. The freeness and fairness of the elections are about perceptions people have about the [electoral] process, and that needs [to be] a rational process. In this election, that rationality was totally absent, notwithstanding what may come out of the courts regarding the challenges that have been made.
It raises serious eyebrows, and the sooner the authorities realise that this is a serious matter and respond seriously and accordingly, the better for the democratic process.
5. Do you think the coverage of opposition candidates — including yourself — by the Zimbabwean media was fair?
I had no coverage whatsoever myself. Invitations were made for us to come and debate on national television, but we did not accept them because the whole thing was just a charade, and in any case, there is no TV reception in Tsholotsho.
We learnt a few things in this election, and one of them is that the best broadcasting is people broadcasting — that is, direct, interpersonal communication with the people. Obviously … the opposition does not receive favourable coverage, but the Broadcasting Service Act enables it to get its messages across during an election.
6. You once criticised the Zimbabwean government for not giving its political opponents a fair chance. Do you think this has changed and that it is now possible to hold free and fair elections in Zimbabwe under the current Zanu-PF leadership?
It has not changed and I do not expect the government will do so. This is something people must do. Governments are not known to give democratic space. But the experience of the past six elections, including the recent one, shows that people are beginning to demand that.
The maturity is still not there, especially in the government, but people know better now. We need a mature political system and the government must take the first step. Take, for instance, the jubilee celebrations that we just had. The expectation is that even people in opposition must attend, but how can they attend when they are subjected to ridicule during such national events?
The government recognises people according to their rank in the ruling party, even during such important events, and it becomes pointless for opposition leaders to attend.
Did you do anything about it when you were in the government?
During my time in the government, we tried to break such barriers, but obviously we couldn’t announce that to the media because we could be kicked out of the government.
You know, when you are in a system you don’t fight it like an outsider, you have to use the rules of that system. And when you are outside, you also cannot fight like an insider. But there was a lot of opposition from the old guard, who wanted to retain their old ways.
Unfortunately, the media only reported these fights with the old guard, but never looked into the details of the fights. But unless you are just reckless or just an ignoramus, you cannot say this government will allow free and fair elections.
7. Do you think some of the laws that you allegedly crafted, such as the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) and the Public Order and Security Act (Posa), have compounded the problems that opponents of Zanu-PF faced during elections? For instance, the MDC says the closure of the Daily News and the absence of private radio stations in Zimbabwe meant that the opposition had very little space in the media.
Let me set the record straight — I did not craft the Posa or the NGO Bill. I had nothing to do with those laws. I obviously was responsible for presenting the AIPPA into Parliament and I don’t think it is a bad law. It has been politicised a lot, but I believe any government that comes into power in Zimbabwe — including the current opposition — will need such a law.
I think one thing we must realise is that opposition parties should not behave as if they will always remain in opposition. There has been a problem with the implementation of the AIPPA, and the main area of confusion has been the requirement for the accreditation and registration of journalists. I can’t imagine anyone quarrelling with the requirement that journalists must register and not commit falsehoods, knowing that these are falsehoods.
The other problem, I think, is to have a situation where the media become part of the opposition — that is a poisoned environment. We need a fair media that will report both sides. I am in opposition now and I cherish being in opposition, but I don’t want a media that will be partisan even to the opposition.
During my time in the government, we also tried to remove the regulation of the media by the government. That authority should not be given to the government. The government must only set policy.
But that brought in the Media and Information Commission (MIC)?
The MIC must not be a government body that does government business and is told by the government what to do, and I think if there is a problem, it is with the personnel, for they must realise that they are not there to do what the government says. They should be fair to all sections of the media.
Has the public media become an extension of the government?
There is also this misconception that Zimpapers belongs to the government or Zanu-PF. Zimpapers is listed on the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange and 49% of its shares belong to individuals or business establishments who have nothing to do with the government. The other 51% belongs to a trust. That trust is not the government or Zanu-PF, and should not be controlled by either.
The beneficiary of that trust should be all the people of Zimbabwe, the general public of Zimbabwe. The government has no business directing Zimpapers. The board at Zimpapers, the editors and even the reporters have a legal right to resist any such attempt. The fact that they have not done so is a problem with them. It is also the problem in Zimbabwe that there are many people who know the right thing to do, but who are afraid of doing it.
8. You fell out favour with Zanu-PF after allegedly organising the Tsholotsho meeting, ostensibly to challenge the candidate favoured by the executive for the vice-presidency. Do you feel Mugabe should have allowed more open debate on the issue of his succession?
The contradiction is that the president invited people to debate his succession, and then when people did that, they were criminalised and ostracised. Zanu-PF had a great opportunity last year to demonstrate to its members, Zimbabwe and the world that it had transformed into a democratic party, but alas, come November 18, it demonstrated that it was a party run on patronage.
Do you see Mugabe retiring any time soon?
No. I don’t expect him to retire any time soon. He has a constitutional mandate to remain in office until 2008, but no reasonable person expects him to seek re-election then because he will lose dismally … even he must understand 25 years in power is too long. And I must point out that it is complete madness to expect that Zimbabwe should only have four leaders in a century.
9. You were quoted as having promised the electorate that you would fight for the reduction of presidential powers once elected into Parliament. Do you think Zimbabwe should follow other countries in the region, such as Zambia, Malawi and South Africa, where there are limits to presidential terms?
Yes, and that’s why we put it in the draft Constitution in 1999. One thing that must be made clear is that Zimbabwe’s economic turnaround cannot be achieved under this president. We need an absolute renewal because the political cancer has gone too deep. There are no new ideas and, as you can see, the same government that abolished the Senate is also bringing it back.
10. What about you? What is your ambition beyond being an independent MP, especially considering rumours that you intend to form a political party?
My ambition is to succeed in what I do, in what I am entrusted by the Lord and the people to do, and nothing more. Right now, I am the MP for Tsholotsho and I want to succeed in that.
So we should not expect to see you as a presidential candidate in future?
Presidential candidates are chosen by the people of Zimbabwe.