South Africans lost a deputy president in a year marked by political intrigue and scandal, but the post-apartheid nation also added a significant feather to its democratic cap.
Jacob Zuma’s fall from grace began with allegations of bribery and corruption. The conviction of his financial adviser and friend Schabir Shaik on charges of fraud and corruption and the court’s assertion that the two had shared a “generally corrupt” relationship, cost Zuma his job.
Some months later, charges of corruption, including allegations that he tried to solicit a bribe from a French arms supplier, sparked concern for Zuma’s political future.
But it was a charge of rape that signalled the death knell for the former apartheid-era freedom fighter with presidential ambitions.
The saga, lasting several months, revealed details of his shoddy financial affairs, alleged corrupt dealings and his sex life and kept the public riveted.
Zuma’s supporters — including trade unionists, communists and leftist elements within the ruling African National Congress — cried foul when President Thabo Mbeki fired Zuma in June, prompting talk of a split in the ruling tripartite alliance.
The case against Zuma publicised the rivalry between Zuma and Mbeki, who weathered accusations of a conspiracy to eliminate Zuma, widely considered his most likely successor in 2009.
Other prominent party and business figures were accused of backstabbing and jostling for power.
Mbeki remained tightlipped and declined to be drawn into debate on the case, saying his decision to dismiss a close friend and political comrade had been a hard one.
Angry Zuma supporters publicly displayed their disapproval by burning T-shirts with Mbeki’s image.
Zuma then tried to exploit the outpouring of public support and the fact that many in the country have difficulty relating to the intellectual and rather aloof Mbeki.
He protested his innocence, presenting himself simply as a humble leader whose only ambition is to serve the interests of workers and ordinary people.
Mbeki appointed Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka as his new Deputy President — but she happened to be the wife of the former prosecutor who signalled a “prima facie” case against Zuma months before investigators raided his house.
Zuma’s support remained strong with calls for his reinstatement by the Congress of South African Trade Unions and top business figures until police leaked information that a 31-year-old Aids activist had brought a charge of rape against the 63-year-old politician.
In November, just days after he was indicted on two counts of corruption, the woman told police that Zuma had forced himself on her at his home in northern Johannesburg.
More conspiracy theories stemmed from the Zuma camp.
After Zuma was formally charged in court, his support appeared to dwindle. Ongoing fund-raising for his corruption trial took a dive as South Africans began contemplating the charge against the man who heads the country’s moral-regeneration programme.
The fact that the alleged attack took place on the eve of the annual 16 days of Activism against women and child abuse campaign did not help either.
Zuma was forced to announce the suspension of his activities in all leading ANC structures. He remains the party’s deputy leader, however. He will appear in court on charges of rape next February and for corruption at the end of July.
Analysts believe that while the worst is certainly not over for Zuma, as both crimes carry hefty prison sentences, the case has given South Africa an opportunity to prove itself as a democracy.
The matter has deflected attention from everyday issues such as poverty alleviation, development and economic reform and its conclusion will give the country a chance to refocus in 2006.
“South Africa’s democratic institutions were tested and showed that no matter how big the political crisis, it is very, very clear that these institutions can hold,” says William Gumede, a political analyst and author of the 2005 bestseller Thabo Mbeki and the Battle for the Soul of the ANC.
“It is very clear the rule of law is entrenched. People may complain about a racist judge — as they did in the trial of Zuma’s financial adviser — but in the end people submit to the rule of law,” he says.
“Rape charges are very difficult in South Africa. It is unlikely that he will be able to do a Houdini-like escape from this,” Gumede says.
“With all the attention on Zuma in 2005, Mbeki’s reform attempts were temporarily halted,” he notes.
“Mbeki now has an open hand to pursue his reforms and the space to push his economic reforms. He will also have a bigger hand in the question of his succession,” according to Gumede.
With Zuma’s fate sealed, the ANC is expected to turn its attention to running the country.
Its alliance partners, the Congress of South African Trade Unions and the South African Communist Party — considerably weakened, discredited and reportedly fighting among themselves over support for Zuma — will most likely toe the line. — Sapa-DPA