Black economic embarrasment
After 10 years of democracy and equality in my African South Africa, it’s almost tragic to note that I have far more opportunities than my white South African counterparts. Affirmative action and black economic empowerment (BEE) are just flashy labels for flat-out discrimination.
Since some of us are clearly more equal than others, perhaps we should stamp our BEE status into our ID books, and use this as a form of further discrimination against those whities! We can set up BEE toilets, BEE shops, even BEE queues. Maybe even organise a special BEE discount at the local shopping centre?
I’ve heard all the nonsense before: “The whites must go to Europe, Africa is for the Africans!” Once we have sent the whites packing (or stolen everything from them so that they can’t wait to leave) we can move on to oppressing other minority groups under the guise of economic reform and social change; the mixed races, the cripples, the HIV sufferers, the Ndebele, the Sotho, the homosexuals and the taxi drivers! Social engineering and discrimination are slippery slopes of evil. When will it all stop? Surely it’s obvious that we are all equal and that we all need each other? — Michael K, Mdantsane
Is Madlala-Routledge fund necessary?
“Madlala-Routledge feels the pinch,” screams the headlines. A fund has been set up to assist her financially. Yet she has been living in the lap of luxury as a deputy minister for the past seven or eight years. Her salary and tax-free perks for only one year have been more than what most families in South Africa will earn between them during an entire lifetime.
Even as an ordinary MP, she will now earn more that R51 000 per month plus numerous tax-free perks, and that amount is due to be significantly increased by an imminent salary adjustment for all MPs and Cabinet ministers.
Surely Madlala-Routledge has some money in the bank to pay back the taxpayers’ money that she mistakenly misused. If we taxpayers start complaining about the government being too harsh on Madlala-Routledge over what she owes, then it will really open the flood gates for even more abuses by the many avaricious government politicians who seem to think that taxpayers money is really their own. — Frank Hartry, Kingsburgh
As a former chairperson of the detainees support committee in Durban, I wish to object to this Cabinet and Parliament’s treatment of Nozizwe Madlala-Routledge. She was a member of the committee in the dark days of the 1980s when the struggle to create internal political platforms and legitimacy to allow for the return of the African National Congress was at its heights.
She risked all to work on that committee to free those incarcerated and for exiles to return. She worked in the pathology laboratory at the University of KwaZulu-Natal as a laboratory technician and in the early 1980s we often had discussions about the coming HIV epidemic. She went on to study social science at the University of KwaZulu-Natal where we took great pains to teach our students in the early 1990s the full impact of the epidemic and its implications for the country and the continent.
She has fulfilled her responsibilities to the people of the country in an exemplary manner. It is not the deputy minister who should be sacked, but the jelly-kneed Cabinet and its president. The people of South Africa will get the opportunity to do just that at the next elections. Tokyo, Lindiwe Sisulu, anybody in the ranks of the ruling party — please get moving; the people have been living through a period any sane government would have seen as an emergency. Now is the time for all good people to come to the aid of the party and change it.
The people shall govern. — David Brown, University of KwaZulu-Natal
Didn’t our deputy president take a holiday trip overseas using public funds and not repay it when it became public knowledge? Then why is Nozizwe Madlala-Routledge being made to replay her trip? — Stef Pittich, Kensington, Johannesburg
A matter of (medical) record
Whether the Sunday Times was entitled to use purloined medical records is a matter for the courts — though one could question its judgement, because this has become a smokescreen for addressing the real issue: Is the health minister doing her job?
There is plenty of evidence that she is not. The culture of cover-up in health runs deep and long. My wife used to work in a major hospital in South Africa, and “surprise visits” by ministers were always preceded by sprucing up and warning staff to be on their best behaviour. No extended tea breaks, no cockroaches in the ICU.
The alcohol issue could explain a lot, but if it can only be backed up by rumour and evidence that may never see the light of day, it does not alter the fact that the Mbeki regime is unwilling to fire a minister for incompetence, only for insubordination. Where that insubordination mainly originates from showing up the incompetence of others, firing the “insubordinate” person only exacerbates the problem.
I doubt very much that Mbeki will fire his minister, even though he has a very simple remedy for his dilemma. All he has to do is ask Manto Tshabalala-Msimang to allow him to peruse her medical records.
There would be no confidentiality issue because she would be handing them over voluntarily. It is certainly a normal practice for any employer (let alone the president, who has the power to hire and fire without regard for labour laws) to demand proof of fitness to work, if there is a possibility that an employee is not looking after her health. If she refused, she would not be a team player … there would be the pretext for firing her. If she complied, there would be two
outcomes: he could report that the evidence didn’t support the allegations, or he would have the evidence to fire her. — Philip Machanick, Taringa, Australia
It seems our health minister is going to court to repair the “irreparable harm” to her “dignity and reputation”. Need she bother? In this respect, if in no other, she surely resembles the immortal Lorelei Lee, heroine of Gentlemen Prefer Blondes, whose friend Dorothy assures her, and I quote from memory: “Your reputation can no more be harmed than anybody can sink the Swiss navy.” — Michiel Heyns, Somerset West
Floor-crossing undermines democracy
Floor-crossing legislation, which comes back into season on September 1, is a threat to stable representative democracy. The direct translation of the word “democracy” comes form the Greek “demos” meaning people, and “kratos” meaning power. Given this, floor-crossing directly undermines the fundamental principle of democratic society through a blatant revocation of the rights of the electorate and opening space for political opportunism and corruption.
The effect of floor-crossing on South Africa’s political landscaping is bound to be detrimental insofar as it attacks democracy at its very core by making politicians less accountable for their actions and undermining the concept of “representation”. If multiparty democracy is founded on a principled vocation to promote and serve the interests and needs of the population, floor-crossing is a sure route to political turmoil. Transparency and accountability are the cornerstones of a successful democracy. Floor-crossing undermines both of these. — Craig Campbell, Durban
Over some time now I have repeatedly declared my disapproval with the existing floor-crossing legislation. Yet, although it was initiated with the greatest intentions in the world, this piece of legislation has grossly been abused by greedy and self-serving public representatives. Our public representatives should not be spending their energy and time on internal disciplinary hearings, long and protracted legal battles and smear campaigns, mostly engineered from within their own parties and clearly to the disadvantage of those who elected them into office.
These internal squabbles, legal challenges and smear campaigns obviously makes it grossly impossible for these public representatives to honour their mandate to the electorate and under these circumstances it would be in the best interest of the public, the public representative and the party to pack up and move on. However, when our public representatives are easily persuaded to be betray their parties by the flashing of a few thousand rands and the prospects of higher office then we, the public and the media, need to rise up and challenge them.
We must expose them for what they are and do all in our power to get rid of them. These selfish persons are greatly decreasing the value of our democracy and makes a mockery of the contribution that some people have made to the fight against apartheid. Especially those who have paid the ultimate price, their lives, to enable us to live in freedom.
How do we continue to convince the voting public that it is still in their best interest to go to the voting booth and participate in future elections? They, the electorate, know that the people they are voting for will always have the option of disregarding their wishes and move on to other parties. All this without getting a mandate from those who voted for them! Our democracy is not being threatened by the criminals, but rather by those who are suppose to introduce and uphold the laws of our country, our public representatives! We must resist this kind of opportunism and show these self-serving people the door. — Rozario Brown, Mitchells Plain
What about Batho Pele?
The firing of Nozizwe Madlala-Routledge, someone who added value to the lives of the people, highlights how far the Mbeki government is from meeting the people’s needs.
Yes, Mbeki has the power to fire and hire ministers. But when his powers impinge on our constitutional rights, public scrutiny is needed. What happened to “Batho Pele” — people first?
When Oom Gov Mbeki was alive he would, when necessary, disÂagree with his son in public. He set a good precedent that nobody is above correction.
Firing someone simply because he or she disagrees with you is a cancer that produces inaction and fear in government. Many Cabinet ministers have turned a blind eye to Thabo Mbeki’s autocratic rule and questionable understanding of people’s needs.
Mbeki should be reminded of his father’s book, The Peasants’ Revolt. Because of poor services in many parts of South Africa, the patience of the peasants is reaching its limits, and they are firing back at a government that seems to have broken its fundamental contract with the people.
We, the masses, are beginning to ask whether power is in our hands, as the Constitution promises, or in the hands of the BEE elite that seems to have the final word in politics.
Frantz Fanon warns us of the black intellectuals who have lost interest in their constituency: “All those speeches seem like collections of dead words; those values which seemed to uplift the soul are revealed as worthless, simply because they have nothing to do with the concrete conflict in which people is engaged.” — Wandile Kasibe
Mbeki’s dismissal of the deputy health minister may have been unpopular, but he is a rational man who acted without malice or prejudice. — Tuntufye S Mwamwenda, Durban
No one has asked why Manto Tshabalala-Msimang booked herself into a private clinic for a shoulder operation. Wasn’t this a sad vote of no-confidence in the public institutions?
If it was government policy that all public servants should use state hospitals and schools, we wouldn’t be reading triumphant presidential letters arguing that neonatal deaths at Frere Hospital are statistically normal. — Pieter van Gylswyk
Madlala-Routledge fulfilled her responsibilities to the people of the country in an exemplary manner. It is not she who should be sacked, but the jelly-kneed Cabinet and the president.
Now is the time for all good people to come to the aid of the ANC and change it. The people shall govern. — David Brown, University of KwaZulu-Natal
Your editorial on the president last week (“The full Manto”) was a frenzied and sensationalist character smear.
The president is the legitimate target of criticism by any citizen, but should be spared the posturing of the jaundiced few.
The Mail & Guardian charges that people “who have opposed Madlala-Routledge’s axing and Mbeki’s stubborn clinging to TshabalalaÂMsimang as health minister represent the entire spectrum of opinion and race”.
One shudders to think that this includes such leaders as Cosatu’s Zwelinzima Vavi, who would stop at nothing to mislead the gullible, including undermining his own African values by sarcastically poking fun at the dead.
The M&G unequivocally states: “It is clear that the real imperative in public service is to keep failures of government from public scrutiny.” Why, then, does the government allow the views of the masses to be aired through, among other things, its expansive imbizo programme?
Obviously your editorial was not penned for the millions of people who have participated in governance and expressed hope in the leadership of our current government. — Mandisi Tyumre, Cape Town
I congratulate you on a fine editorial — not just in regard to the strategically idiotic firing of ÂMadlala-Routledge, but on the larger issue of Mbeki’s political style.
Whatever facade might still be lingering in the public eye with regard to democracy, as opposed to rule by cabal, it has surely been gravely damaged.
Nonetheless, it is disturbing that very few voices from “civil society” have been keeping this issue on the front burner. The media, led by the M&G, together with the Treatment Action Campaign and Vavi, seem pretty alone in this task. — Barbara Harmel
The PAC is very disturbed at the dismissal of Nokuzola Ntshona, the superintendent of the Eastern Cape’s Cecilia Makiwane Hospital. It was clearly part of the ANC’s political campaign to obscure the deficiencies that have caused many perinatal deaths at the Frere Hospital in the same complex.
We believe the CEO of the complex should have been suspended, as the person responsible for inadequate services. When he was appointed CEO, he immediately moved his offices from Frere to a luxury beachfront building, far from the hospitals he runs.
That he was appointed at all was questionable. He was a member of the SACP and a Buffalo City councillor without any experience in providing health services. He had previously refrained from supporting the council speaker, Zukiswa Faku, also a member of the SACP, when she tried to investigate corruption.
The Frere saga is the tip of the iceberg. The whole planning process for hospital services was kept secret until a brave whistle-blower revealed it. Nurses and doctors are intimidated by the ruling that they may not talk to the press without official permission.
The basic problem in developing health and other services is that individuals are almost exclusively measured by their party loyalty, rather than their competence. — Costa Gazi, PAC of Azania
The dismissal of Madlala-Routledge is a dire warning of things to come. It highlights the problem of Mbeki’s ego.
Typically, the larger the ego, the deeper the insecurities. When your “subjects” pick on you, point out mistakes or criticise government policies, you will feel exposed — because you secretly agree. So the ego moves to cover you.
“You made me feel bad, so now I have to make you feel bad”, seems to be the approach. — Felix Zolani Nkosana Kuku, Pretoria
Mbeki tells us Madlala-Routledge was fired principally for “not being a team player”. One has yet to hear a credible cheerleader voice from the unions, church or community leaders, or from any political party other than the ANC. There certainly are no team cheers and supportive war cries from any who work on a daily basis with the victims of inappropriate or denialist government policies. — Nic Denny-Dimitriou, Hilton
The lady fell into a snare and Mbeki mercilessly fired thebullet, despite her coming back hurriedly from Spain.
Madlala-Routledge, you deserved another chance. There are those who are worse than you and still eat on the president’s thighs. — JM Mothusi, North West University
Madlala-Routledge’s dismissal is a dreadful setback in the war against Aids and for those fighting it. — Viwe Sidali, chairperson, Eastern Cape Youth Development board
Madlala-Routledge has been a committed Quaker for 20 years, and one of the Quakers’ most deeply held beliefs is a commitment to the truth.
I don’t believe she would lie or create “false impressions”, as Cabinet spokesperson Themba Maseleko is quoted as saying — and in particular, not to save her own skin. — Jennifer Verbeek, Pietermaritzburg
In South Africa you have ministers fired for doing their job. In Zim they are promoted for not doing their job. One and the same I guess. — Lameck Gweshe
No anti-Mbeki group
I would like you to set the record straight on Zukile Majova’s recent article “Mkhize says Zuma can still lead South Africa”.
Majova acknowledges that he never interviewed me, but the article creates a different impression.
He refers to a meeting I attended to brief editors, where a journalist asked questions about the ANC national conference and election of leaders. Majova’s account of the exchange that ensued is riddled with fabrications.
I have correspondence from editors at Independent Newspapers apologising for the unethical behaviour of their journalist who spoke to Majova about the meeting. They confirm that the article reflects neither the content nor the context of the discussion.
Majova quotes me as saying that at the ANC’s conference in Durban, Chris Hani and Thabo Mbeki were contenders for the ANC deputy presidency when party elders intervened and appointed Sisulu.
This is untrue. I referred to the fact that it is possible for more than one candidate to be available and it is up to the conference to resolve the matter. I emphasised that the ANC is a democratic organisation, that delegates will take the decision and no one can predict the result.
I also distinguished between the negative media coverage of ANC leaders and the views of ANC members. The media is not a barometer of the views of ANC branches, and ANC structures do not take decisions based on the media reports.
Majova says I admitted that Zuma’s lieutenants were talking to influential ANC interest groups. No one referred to “Zuma’s lieutenants”, nor does such a thing exist in the ANC. I refuse to be associated with such a term and know of no leader in the province who does.
But the most obnoxious part of the report claims that I lead an anti-Mbeki group in KwaZulu-Natal. This is untrue and defamatory. There is no “anti-Mbeki” group among ANC leaders in the province.
This is so despite many M&G articles in the past quoting faceless “sources” and making unfounded allegations about provincial chairperson Sibusiso Ndebele, myself and other leaders in KwaZulu-Natal.
Mbeki remains a respected ANC leader and Zuma as his deputy, both elected to those positions with the full support of ANC leaders and members in KwaZulu-Natal. Efforts by your journalists to cause confusion will fail. — Zweli Mkhize, MEC for finance and economic development, KwaZulu-Natal government
Come on Vavi, grow up!
Cosatu’s Zwelinzima Vavi has apologised for his comment about leaders dying in office, but he is a leader of multiple mistakes.
The ANC and people of our country still hold Joe Slovo, Stella Sigcau, Dumisani Makhaye, Peter Mokaba, Dullah Omar and Steve Tshwete, who died in office, in high esteem.
Vavi and Blade Nzimande were never so vocal against the apartheid regime. He is building towards his deployment to government in 2009 under a new president.
During the public servants’ strike, he said that when strikers see others going to work, they might act violently. Sure enough, trains in Umlazi were stoned.
He makes sure that he disagrees with Thabo Mbeki on every issue and has compared Mbeki’s statements on the economy to Nazi propaganda. He refused to apologise.
Last week Vavi referred to ANC ministers as deadwood. The ANC is correct to demand that he names them.
A Sunday newspaper has reported that Vavi is repaying Cosatu for the abuse of a credit card. Please comrade, do not throw stones when you live in a glass house!
Vavi and Nzimande consider fighting corruption a secondary matter, and you hardly ever hear them talking about the exploitation of domestic and farm workers. Their primary task is to use every platform to criticise the ANC and Mbeki in particular.
Come on Vavi, grow up! — Eric Thembela, Empangeni
Inaccurate
Lungisile Ntsebeza’s claim (“Address the land question”, August 17) that more than 80% of South African land is  legally in white hands suggests distressing inaccuracy for a Human Sciences Research Council research specialist.
How can all private black-owned residential, farming and other land; tribal land; central government land (including national parks); provincial government land; municipal land; and all land owned by Telkom, Eskom, the defence force and other government agencies amount to less than 20% of “the South African land surface”?
If Ntsebeza wishes to address the land question, a good starting point would be the chiefs who have prevented black South Africans from owning tribal land from time immemorial. — Tim Sargeant, Sandton
In brief
Thabo Mbeki’s attempt to blame Robert Mugabe’s crimes and failures on others is a slight on the amazing things Africans have accomplished. If every failure in Africa is due to colonialism, then Mbeki seems to be denying African agency. This is exactly a perpetuation of the colonialist mentality, with Africans not being considered able to take responsibility for their actions. — Bryony Green
Our fathers and mothers are abused every day by farmers who think they are above the law. Recently I read about a farmer and his friend who assaulted a man and tied him to a tree; weeks later he was found dead. The land affairs department has tried to come up with laws to protect farmworkers, but these do not seem to have the farmers’ cooperation. The law needs to be toughened up. — Tshepo Diale, Ga-Rankuwa
The M&G‘s news coverage is unparalleled. Please supply sufficient quantities to Harare. Life can be a bit challenging in this part of the world. — Steady Wazvaremhaka, Zimbabwe