In the early 1970s, when the ANC underground machinery was exposed and threatened with decimation and outstanding leaders such as Harry Gwala and others were sentenced to Robben Island, the ANC instructed Jacob Zuma to go into exile and lead a team to revive structures in KwaZulu-Natal.
In the 1980s, with intensified struggles, the apartheid regime was forced to talk. When the first official contact was made between the ANC and the regime, Zuma was dispatched to assess Pretoria’s readiness for serious talks and to design an appropriate engagement strategy. He became part of the first delegation to discuss the future of South Africa, often working behind the scenes to ensure that progress did not stall.
When South Africa entered its transition, continuing political violence in KwaZulu-Natal threatened national stability. The ANC relied heavily on Zuma to negotiate and navigate the intricate political dynamics of traditional leaders and ethnic sensitivities, and between the ANC national government and the provincial opposition. His skills of persuasion prevailed over the emotions of younger leaders who were impatient with negotiations and balked at Madiba’s call to ”throw your weapons into the sea”.
This he did while managing the complex relationship between the ANC and the Inkatha Freedom Party. He did this at the risk of losing popularity and facing harsh criticism from all sides, while working to stem the cyclical faction fights in the heart of KwaZulu-Natal. So much for Zuma as a populist! In recognition, the ANC national conference in Bloemfontein adopted what was colloquially known as the ”Zuma clause”, constitutionally allowing him to hold both national and provincial office-bearer positions. This happened once with Zuma, and never again, to make effective use of his skills, benefiting the whole ANC.
His political experience has enabled him to engage with all constituencies, from peasants to militant youth, traditional leaders and conservative rural communities, church leaders, business, NGOs and opposition parties.
Of course, Zuma never did this alone, but as part of many ANC collectives. This is Jacob Zuma, with the ability to recognise the importance of collective work rather than individualism and temptation to work for one’s own personal ”legacy”.
It would not be an exaggeration to say that the growth of the ANC in KwaZulu-Natal, and the ability to resolve conflicts in many other ANC provinces, was in great measure the result of his skills. This has shaped Zuma’s image as the leader who is trusted by most members of the ANC and who is always there to lead them through difficult challenges. But, most crucially, Zuma is trusted because he also trusts the wisdom of others.
He is a caring person whose love for the people will contribute to strengthening the faith people have in the ANC, something that is seriously under threat as articulated by the ANC national general council in 2005, the policy conference and now the ANC nominations process.
Zuma has been instrumental in calming the tensions that have developed in the tripartite alliance since 2000. Contrary to detractors, he was not quiet on alliance problems, but always insisted on internal open, frank but comradely debate. Hence our allies developed such respect for him.
Similarly, he has engaged various other social and political forces, including the opposition, Afrikaner communities and other minorities, and genuinely listened to their concerns. He has developed strong relations between the ANC and stakeholders. This he has done without sacrificing the priority that must be given to the African majority to attend to poverty and unemployment. The level of respect accorded to him by leaders on the continent for his contributions is public knowledge.
Thirteen years into our new democracy, the country has seen a widening gap between the government and the masses. Frankly, the kind of president the ANC requires currently is one who will (re)unite the organisation and address the many problems it faces, not aloof or self-righteous leadership. We need a people’s unifier. This is what not only the ANC needs, but the country as a whole.
It is important to invest in a leader who will carry the confidence of the poor, rural and marginalised sections of our community and address the concerns of minority groups, while being pragmatic about the solutions required for our economy. As ANC deputy president, Zuma has engaged investors and the business community, assuring them that ANC policies will remain as adopted by party conferences.
As a graduate of the school of hard knocks, Zuma is acutely aware of the delicate interface that South Africa and Africa have with the rest of the world, and how this must be managed for the good of the country and all its people.
Zweli Mkhize is a member of the ANC national executive committee and KwaZulu-Natal finance MEC. He writes in his personal capacity