The political left in South Africa is at a crossroads in the history of its revolution, the South African Communist Party (SACP) said in a policy discussion document released on Wednesday.
”As the NLM [National Liberation Movement] prepares for elections in the first half of next year, and as we face the many new possibilities and challenges that have emerged since the [African National Congress] 52nd national conference, the question of state power and the role of the [SACP] in this regard have become even more critical.
”Both the opportunities and the dangers have escalated. The SACP has a major role to play in the current context and much depends on our ability to rise to the occasion,” the document said.
The SACP holds its national policy conference from September 25 to 28.
The discussion document — introduced to the media by SACP general secretary Blade Nzimande — does not exclude the SACP entering elections independently.
It said the current reality, post-Polokwane, contains at least two contradictory potential scenarios:
- Firstly, a scenario in which the many positive features of Polokwane — opening up of democratic space, consolidation of fresh policy, rebuilding mass campaigning and organisation — are all taken forward.
- Secondly, a negative scenario in which the left fails to influence the post-Polokwane reality. Instead, and particularly after 2009 elections, a new alliance of monopoly and emergent capital, ”compradorists” (”comprador stratum” — local agents for the foreign corporate interests) and ”fugitives from justice” coalesce around a programme of awarding influential posts, tenders and contracts to themselves, while the factional destabilisation (and not democratic transformation) of the state, including the criminal justice system, persists.
If the latter scenario prevails, the left would be used for the electoral campaign and then dumped, with some individuals co-opted, while the rest are marginalised, perhaps more brutally than before.
”We are, therefore, at the crossroads in the history of our revolution. The conjuncture is full of real space for consolidating an effective, progressive, programmatic approach to state power.
”However, the space opened up by Polokwane can also be squandered and the opportunity lost,” the document said.
The two general possible electoral ”modalities” for the party in 2009 are, firstly, independent [SACP] electoral lists on the voters’ roll with the possible objective of constituting a coalition alliance agreement post-elections.
Alternatively, an electoral pact with the alliance partners, which could include agreement on deployments, possible quotas, the accountability of elected representatives, including the accountability of SACP cadres to the party, the election manifesto and the importance of an independent face and role for the SACP and its cadres within legislatures.
In practice (at least for the prospective national/provincial elections of 2009), the SACP has already chosen this latter option.
This does not mean that the alternative option of an independent SACP electoral list should quietly and now forever disappear from the table.
The modality of the SACP’s engagement with elections is not a matter of timeless principle, but something that needs to be periodically analysed and evaluated in the light of potentially shifting realities.
Configuration of state
The document said the configuration of the state needs to be re-examined, as well as the ways in which it favours corporate capture and hegemony.
This is not a narrowly technical or managerial matter, but goes to the heart of the class struggle for state hegemony, the document said.
Among other things, it asked whether strategic planning should be subordinated to financial management.
The excessive centrality of the Treasury is at the heart of many of the challenges to transform the state and drive forward the national democratic revolution.
Among the SACP’s suggestions is a single rural development department, rather than an under-resourced Land Affairs Department, as a junior partner to agriculture.
It also proposed a ”council of state”, similar to the two-tier executive structure in Cuba, China, New Zealand, Australia and India, instead of the current Cabinet.
Macro budget allocations should be decided upon by the collective council of state and not by Treasury on its own.
On the provinces, the document said the SACP should use the conference to develop more specific policy proposals on the future role and status of provinces.
”There are few [if any] positive developmental examples of countries roughly South Africa’s size in which there are three supposedly equal tiers/spheres of government.”
The document also suggested South Africa’s defence sector come under political strategic evaluation, coordination and control.
”While the [South African National Defence Force (SANDF)] situation might not be as dire as some reports suggest, it would be hard to deny that as the SACP, and as the wider African National Congress-led alliance, we have been relatively careless about the armed forces situation in our country.
”If we are serious about advancing, deepening and defending the [national democratic revolution], and if, as the SACP, we are serious about our [medium-term vision], then we can no longer afford this carelessness.
”Together with our allies, we must ensure a serious strategic evaluation of our defence capabilities and needs, and we need to assess the state of health of the SANDF and its various components.
”In other words, no less than any other sector, the defence sector must come under political strategic evaluation, coordination and control,” the document said.
Criminal justice system
”If the [SANDF] has been relatively run-down, compradorised, privatised, and if there are serious challenges in regard to discipline and morale, then these problems are, unfortunately, even greater in some parts of the criminal justice system, and especially in the [South African Police Service].
”Much of our criminal justice system is failing the people of South Africa, and particularly the working class and the poor.
”A comprehensive review of the many challenges confronting this sector is beyond the scope of this discussion paper, but the radical transformation of the criminal justice system must be a central priority of any incoming government in 2009.”
The SACP, like the ANC and Congress of South African Trade Unions, has consistently argued that it stands for the rule of law and unambiguously supports the Constitution, the document said.
The struggle to build a coherent, working-class biased, developmental state involves a struggle against the grave dangers of factionalising the state apparatus, and particularly sensitive areas of the state apparatus like courts, prosecutorial authorities, SAPS investigators and the intelligence services.
”Unfortunately there have been worrying developments over the last several years in this regard.
”The SACP needs to be in the forefront of fighting against such tendencies.
”We need to fight for the integrity, the professionalism and the independence of the criminal justice system and its component parts,” the document said. — Sapa