/ 24 July 2009

July 24 30 2009

Bikitsha’s glossy gaze

I find the article by Nikiwe Bikitsha, ‘America’s first lady and ours” (July 17), patronising and in bad taste. She compares different public figures occupying different public offices at different levels. Defence and military veterans Minister Lindiwe Sisulu and Gauteng Premier Nomvula Mokonyane are not first ladies, so I find Bikitsha’s comparison inaccurate.

She suggests that the two politicians have just recently discovered glitz and glamour as a result of Michelle Obama’s influence. This is devoid of truth. Premier Nomvula Mokonyane has been an intelligent, sophisticated, modern and glamorous politician since the days when she was Gauteng housing minister (and before) and Lindiwe Sisulu has been sharp, solid and a dresser par excellence since she was intelligence minister and then housing minister. The consistency of these two politicians can bear the test of scrutiny.

The generalisation that young black women aspire to be like Michelle Obama is also disturbing and exaggerated. African culture teaches black girls to aspire to be like their mothers: respectful, humble, hardworking, patient and loving, and not to model themselves on some strange, glamorous and distant woman. Bikitsha encourages them to emulate a celebrity lifestyle, but those who achieve this status live in a fictitious world.

Bikitsha erroneously imagines Michelle Obama has the character of a goddess or a saviour. What is this frivolous, media-crafted hype of the ‘Michelle factor”? But I find comfort when I look at our own First Lady, Sizakele Zuma: in her I see the humility, dignity and motherly love that every black or white young woman should aspire to. — Mosiko Tsehlane, Mabopane

Nikiwe Bikitsha’s article on South Africa’s ‘first ladies” was a disappointment. I’m saddened at the ‘chick-lit” opinion she has of what makes a first lady. The comparison between our first ladies (as it were) with that of the United States undermines the calibre of African and South African women. Michelle Obama has indicated that there are so many other Michelles and Obamas in the US and that she represents a lot of people she has learned from and who have moulded who she is today. She just happens to be married to a man who represents the citizens of the US in government.

There is so much you can find right in front of your eyes in Africa. There is a lot that happens that does not involve public figures now epitomised as the only ones who live up to the ‘Michelle factor”. — Ntombifuthi Spencer, Port Elizabeth


Lindiwe Sisulu may have many achievements to her credit as intelligence minister, housing minister and later prime power-broker in the post-Polokwane dispensation and spin doctor in Zuma’s legal machinations. But a ‘first lady”? She is often radically overdressed — most of the time she looks more like a high-class call girl than a dignified public official. Those dresses dripping with golden embroidery! Those garishly painted talons! That ridiculously bouffant hairdo! — Miles Seward, Cape Town

Racial solidarity with serious consequence

If the support offered to Cape Judge President John Hlophe by Paul Ngobeni (‘I did not flip-flop, I just changed my mind”, Letters, July 17) actually helps him, we are in deeper trouble than I thought. Quite apart from his intemperate language (‘no vulture would eat his carcass even if he were to die in the wild”) — which does more to undermine his own credibility than that of his intended target — Ngobeni’s main argument does not in fact make any sense. He accuses Nic Dawes of relying on a fabricated email and of ‘deliberately misreading” its date to mean November 1 instead of January 11 2008. But how does one misread a fake email and, more importantly, why is the date material if it was, in fact, never sent?

Although Ngobeni attempts to shield himself and Hlophe (as he has done many times before) from criticism by tarring all detractors with the racism brush, it is, in fact, he who resorts to self-evident racism in this comment: ‘Thanks Nic Dawes for exposing the willingness of whites to lie in order to get Hlophe.” Would it be considered fair if I commented: ‘Thanks Paul Ngobeni for exposing the willingness of blacks to rally around a disgraced judge”? Obviously not.

What the Mail & Guardian has failed to explain is the source of support for Hlophe from people such as Ngobeni and the so-called ‘Justice for Hlophe Alliance”. Although earlier support for the judge president (in the Oasis matter) may have been blind racial solidarity, in the complaint laid by the judges of the Constitutional Court it can patently not be. Nor do supporters of President Jacob Zuma any longer require a particular outcome in matters before the courts.

Given the position and credibility of the complainants, the continued support for a judge known to have lied and otherwise behaved questionably on numerous occasions is puzzling, to say the least. But it is a puzzle with potentially serious consequences for the integrity of the judiciary and our entire constitutional order. — Eduard Grebe, Cape Town

Mona was misrepresented

I am astonished by the misrepresentation in your article ‘Zuma’s spin doctor in bribery scandal” (July 10).

Your claim that Vusi Mona was present in a meeting at Ernest Khosa’s house where a bribe was solicited and that Mona put pressure on Moss Mashamaite to pay a bribe is one based on Mashamaite’s affidavit. The article seems to portray Mashamaite as a saint. Furthermore, it fails to take into account relevant court proceedings on this matter.

Had this been taken into account, you would have noted that the state’s own witness contradicted Mashamaite’s version that money paid to Khosa was a bribe and submitted evidence to that effect. Not only has the defence denied that the so-called meeting to solicit a bribe took place, but the defence also produced a logbook proving that no such meeting took place. Mashamaite was also presented with a letter he wrote to Mona confirming Mona was not the owner of Rainbow Kwanda at the time of the tender.

Court records also show that Mashamaite is actually a fugitive from the law who skipped bail and went to the United States after he was charged with fraud involving running a pyramid scheme 10 years ago. The state has been aware of this. The defence has asked the court that no witness should mention Mona’s name unless he is to be called by the state to corroborate the information in such a version.

The court has thus far accepted the defence’s application. Mona may feature prominently in Mashamaite’s affidavit, but not in the court proceedings.

The question is: why would you ignore other forms of evidence presented in court when such is available to you? African Eye News [co-authors of the article] have had a correspondent in court throughout the trial. —Gezani Maluleke, defence attorney, Khosa and Soko trial

Booze tax not so ‘draconian’

The article ‘Draughts of change” (July 3) critiques what it describes as the government of Botswana’s ‘implementation of its draconian 30% alcohol levy”.

The article makes additional dubious claims, such as that the alcohol tax ‘is driving locals to drink” and that Windhoek Lager ‘is the cheapest mainsteam beer in the country because it is brewed over the border” (conveniently ignoring the fact that the levy is applied to all alcoholic beverages sold in the country).

The simple fact of the matter is that the use of alcohol-specific taxes to curb consumption and mitigate harm is common international practice. In this respect, Botswana lagged behind other nations, including South Africa.

Outside the liquor industry, such taxes enjoy widespread support among experts in the field of substance-abuse policy, as well as public safety and health stakeholders, including the World Health Organisation (WHO), as an effective instrument for reducing alcohol-related harm, such as motor-vehicle mortality, violent crime, family violence and child abuse.

The effect of price changes on alcohol consumption has been found by some to be greater in low- to middle-income countries than high-income countries, whereas young and underage consumers are known to be particularly sensitive to price.

According to the WHO, of the 117 countries that participated in a taxation survey, 95% imposed either a general sales tax or VAT on alcohol, and the majority went further in imposing additional alcohol-specific taxes, ranging from 3% to 200% of retail price.

Among a representative sub-sample of countries that provided data on alcohol-specific excise taxes as a percentage of their domestic retail price, it was thus found that the average total tax burden on beer, wine and spirits was respectively 38%, 37% and 56%. In this context, it is hard to see how Botswana’s 30% levy can be seen as especially draconian.

Alcohol-specific taxes have the additional advantage of providing governments with revenue that can be used to finance public health, law enforcement and justice costs resulting from alcohol-related maladies, as well as public-awareness campaigns. — Dr Jeff Ramsay, communications coordinator, office of the president, Botswana


M&G got my age wrong

In the article ‘Cope members accuse youth leader of lies” (July 3), the issue of my age became a matter of scrutiny and the views of ‘sources” were extensively expressed. In my view the story is wanting in terms of balance, which compromises the Mail & Guardian‘s principle of being an unbiased source of information.

In my interview with the reporter I confirmed many times that I have in my possession documents which attest to my birth date as April 20 1978, namely the birth certificate that I used in 1996 to apply for my ID book, as well as my grade 12 certificate, which also bears my date of birth, as per my admission at school, which required my birth certificate too.

I was left wondering why a reporter, having been told that some evidence was available, would show no interest in it.

I continue to respect the M&G and I subscribe to the principle of freedom of expression, but it is in the interest of your newspaper to uphold the principle of writing objective stories without your reporters being co-opted to political agendas that may weaken the integrity of your paper. I want the record to be set straight. In the spirit of humanity I will take the apology in advance from the reporter. — Anele Mda


Strike out

The strikes by construction workers and doctors and a possible strike by teachers show that people expect a lot from the new administration. Some unions want to prove they cannot be intimidated by the ANC secretary general, who said strikes would undermine Zuma’s administration — as though it was only legitimate to strike under Mbeki.

Many analysts warned the ANC against making promises that cannot be realised. But the ANC, SACP and Cosatu raised expectations and didn’t explain that the recession would have a huge impact on income.

The ‘2009 class project” is now failing to resolve its own contradictions. — Inba Pillay, Phoenix


In brief

There was a time when I fantasised about the idea of South Africa being renamed ‘Madiba Republic”. I was overwhelmed by the power that the old man oozes. I was overwhelmed by the fact that he is known across the globe. Madiba is a legend and hero for all of the citizens of the world, but he is being used by the ANC to win votes. Madiba is better off belonging to no political party. This year I refused to celebrate Mandela Day because I see it as the ANC’s ploy to cling to government. I call on Madiba to remain non-partisan. — Sefu Sekgala, Tshwane


Your independent schools feature (July 17) was interesting. I went to such a school, then known as a ‘public school”. My wife keeps reminding me of the saying: ‘Public schools produce physically well-developed young men, with partially developed minds, and no feeling whatsoever!” — Bill Nicol, Howick


Your ‘racing certainty” prediction on Tito Mboweni remaining governor of the Reserve Bank reminds me why I cancelled my subscription. — Billy de Klerk


The question about the vuvuzela is why a country that can effortlessly out-sing the rest of the world opts instead for plastic flatulence. — Chris Chatteris, Braamfontein

Service delivery protests may be the only way to deal with the ANC

Whether we like it or not the ANC government has indeed failed the people many times. People who are protesting today had high hopes in 1994. They were promised a better life year in year out. Unfortunately, they could only observe while other people live a better life while they are abandoned.

Comrades’ drives 4×4’s and hook up friends and family to benefit from the public service while the poor neighbours are watching.

As soon as they are annoyed by their poor neighbours, then they move to posh suburbs.

They then create what I call the GREAT DIVIDE. This means that, the people who were built and natured by the poor, abandon poor communities. Instead of doing everything in their power to make sure that the standard of the community is lifted to meet their own new standard, they JUST ABONDONE THE COMMUNITIES. They come now and then visiting poor relatives and driving German cars and playing loud music.

The ANC Government is not serious about service delivery at all. If they can spend R2.4 million on one ministers car’s, I then worry.

It is amazing that, ANC Government has accepted that our people deserve the condition they live in. That’s why they can spend R20 billion on a train called (GAUTRAIN) and that is why they could spend R40 billion on the arms deal. And this is just the tip of the ice berg.

You might say that this new government can not be judged on the previous government’s mistakes. I agree, I will give you that one. But, the very new president saw it fit to spend R70 million on an inauguration, about the same amount ex-President Thabo Mbeki spent.

The new administration has learned nothing from the old administration. They expanded the cabinet and it is going to cost us millions that could have GONE TO UPLIFT THE LIVES OF THE POOR.

Obviously the Government does not treat the living conditions of the poor as urgent. They are not taking the poor seriously.

Because of the GREAT DIVIDE, where government officials abandon poor communities as their own dwelling places, PROTESTS are the only solution.

They are the only solution because, those we send to government no longer live with us, they no longer form the core of our community, and they are no longer feeling the pain we feel.