Offshore assets belong to Nigerian Senate president, not wife

 President of the Nigerian Senate Bukola Saraki. (Reuters)

President of the Nigerian Senate Bukola Saraki. (Reuters)

Toyin Ojora-Saraki, the wife of the president of the Nigerian Senate, is a business front for her husband, Bukola Saraki.

According to documents retrieved from the Mossack Fonseca database, the assets in her name in tax havens are held in trust for Bukola, Nigeria’s third most powerful official.

Initial analysis of the leaks suggested that Saraki failed to disclose four assets found to be in his wife’s name offshore, in violation of Nigeria’s code of conduct law.

In his response to the leaks, Saraki said the assets belonged to the estate of his wife’s family, and that the law did not mandate him to declare such a category of assets.

But documents suggest that the assets are Bukola’s.

Sandon Development
One of the companies in Toyin’s name is Sandon Development, a vehicle used to buy a property on 8 Whittaker Street, Belgravia, London, in 2012. Another shareholder listed for that company is Babatunde Morakinyo, a long-term personal aide and friend of Bukola’s.

But fresh evidence suggests that Toyin and Morakinyo were fronts, nominee directors holding assets in trust for the Nigerian Senate president Bukola.

In April 2012, while still Kwara governor, Bukola described himself as the landlord of 8 Whittaker Street and 70 Bourne Street, London. He executed a deed granting his tenants licence to make alterations to the properties.

Part three of the deed reads: “This license is supplemental.
The reversion immediately expectant on the determination of the lease is now vested in the landlord.

“The unexpired residue of the No 70 (Bourne Street) lease is still vested in Dr Saraki and the unexpired residue of the number 8 (Whittaker Street) lease is now vested in the companies.”

The deed was “signed, sealed and delivered” by Bukola on behalf of himself, Sandon Development and Renocon Property Development.

It was from Renocon that Toyin, posing as owner of Sandon, purportedly bought Number 8 Whittaker Street in July 2011.

Unless Bukola was misrepresenting himself, this indicates that both companies belong to him, and that he used one company owned by him to buy a property from another of his companies.

Toyin would then have fronted for him in the purported transaction. It is not clear why the Senate president acted this way.

Girol Properties
Girol Properties was registered on August 25 2004 (a year after Bukola became governor of Nigeria’s north-central state of Kwara) in the British Virgin Island.

Company documents show that Toyin owns 25 000 shares and was appointed the only director of the company. Toyin, in a letter to The International Consortium of Investigative Journalists through her lawyers, denies ever owning any shareholding in Girol Properties.

The leaks, however, links Toyin to the firm, as well as another handwritten document suggesting that she was known in Mossack Fonseca as just a nominee director and not the beneficial owner of the company.

Landfield Ltd
Landfield International Developments, a company registered in the British Virgin Islands on April 8 2014, had Toyin as sole shareholder.

But it is apparent that she was a front, because Bukola has since discreetly taken over the company using Longmeadow Holdings, another shell company registered in Jersey.

To effect the take-over, a board meeting of Landfield was purportedly held on January 28 2015, where it was agreed that the company be sold to Bukola for more than £3-million.

That same day, Toyin wrote to Mossack Fonseca informing it that she was transferring the beneficial ownership of Landfield to Bukola and his company.

Dear Sirs

Landfield International Developments Limited (the “Company”)

1. We refer to the Company, for which you provide registered agent services and with respect to which I, Oluwatoyin Saraki, am your client of record.

2. Change, of Client of Record 2. Please be advised that as of today’s date the entire legal and beneficial ownership of the Company held by me has been transferred to Longmeadow Holdings Limited (“Longmeadow”).

3. I therefore instruct you that with immediate effect, I should cease to be regarded as your client of record and that, going forward, your client of record will be Longmeadow. Accordingly, henceforth you should take instructions from Longmeadow relation to the Company.

By that letter, Bukola assumed full control of the company through Longmeadow.

Fresh trouble for the senator

This revelation that Bukola owns the assets hidden in his wife’s name may complicate issues for the politician who is being tried by the Code of Conduct Tribunal for allegedly failing to declare his assets in full. These new facts are also difficult to square with his earlier denials.

While not all owners or operators of such offshore entities are criminals, owning or maintaining interest in private companies while serving as a public official is against Nigerian laws.

Section 6(b) of the Code of Conduct Act says a public office holder shall not, “except where he is not employed on full‐time basis, engage or participate in the management or running of any private business, profession or trade”.

The Code of Conduct Bureau had, on September 16 2015 served charges on Bukola, accusing him of offences ranging from making false declaration of assets in forms he filed before the Bureau while he was governor of Kwara state.

The Senate president was also accused of failing to declare some of his assets, acquiring assets beyond his legitimate earnings, and operating foreign accounts while being a public officer – governor and senator.

The offences, the charge said, violated sections of the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, as amended.

Bukola has denied wrongdoing, saying the case was politically motivated and that he was being persecuted for emerging as the president of the Nigerian Senate against the wishes of his political party, the ruling All Progressives Congress, which preferred a different candidate.

The African Network of Centres for Investigative Reporting (ANCIR) supported development of this story.

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