Former and current ANC KwaZulu-Natal chairs Senzo Mchunu and Sihle Zikalala have spoken about the infighting in provincial structures.
NEWS ANALYSIS
ANC president Jacob Zuma did an about-turn at the party’s policy conference this week. Previously impervious to pleas for unity as he rode the crest of his own success, at the end of the week he proposed introducing a second deputy president for the party – to foster unity.
The change in Zuma’s stance was likely prompted by the shifting fortunes of KwaZulu-Natal, a province that was largely responsible for his ascent to power in 2007 and his subsequent re-election in 2012.
Regarded as a kingmaker, KwaZulu-Natal is the province with the largest ANC membership and was seen to be spearheading the campaign for Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, who Zuma is believed to favour as his successor.
However, the province’s plan to push Dlamini-Zuma’s radical rhetoric over the measured stance adopted by deputy president Cyril Ramaphosa has been frustrated.
KwaZulu-Natal was dealt its first blow when the party’s commission on strategy and tactics announced that the overwhelming view was that the term “white monopoly capital” should not be part of the ANC’s vocabulary. A week previously, KwaZulu-Natal ANC chairperson Sihle Zikalala had lambasted those in the ANC who denied its existence.
However, in the final proposal that will be taken back to branches, the ANC’s position was closer to that of Gauteng, the Northern Cape and the Western Cape, which rejected the term. The views of these provinces are aligned with Ramaphosa’s.
“Nine out of 11 commissions said the phenomenon of monopoly capital is a global one and it manifests itself differently in various parts of the globe. And in that context, it would therefore not be correct to characterise ours simply as white monopoly capital,” ANC national executive committee member Joel Netshitenzhe said.
Whereas Zuma supporters earlier accused Netshitenzhe of misrepresenting the position taken at the plenary session on the matter, the commission’s position was the one that prevailed.
However, Dlamini-Zuma stuck to her guns in an interview with ANN7 after the conference, saying: “Monopoly capital elsewhere in the world is monopoly capital, but in South Africa it is white because our economy is dominated by a few white conglomerates.”
The policy conference was inconclusive on the issue of land, failing to adopt a proposal either for expropriation without compensation or for expropriation within the parameters of the Constitution.
The inability to reach a firm position could be interpreted as a sign of KwaZulu-Natal’s declining influence as the province had called for a constitutional amendment. Its position was understood to have the support of the Zuma-aligned “premier league” faction made up of the Free State, North West and Mpumalanga provinces.
But on the third day of the conference, Mpumalanga made it clear that it did not support expropriation without compensation. Premier David Mabuza said: “Whatever is given in the Constitution suffices; we just think that the pace at which land is transferred back to its owners is a bit slow.”
Economic transformation head Enoch Godongwana later said the call for expropriation without compensation had been met with resistance by those who believed current laws were sufficient, and both views would need to go back to branches.
It appears Gauteng, Mpumalanga, Limpopo and the Eastern Cape firmly resisted the radical moves by KwaZulu-Natal and its allies.
On the role of the ANC’s integrity commission, KwaZulu-Natal again ended on the back foot. The party adopted a proposal that the commission’s recommendations must be binding and it must have the authority to suspend members.
The Northern Cape and Gauteng had called for strengthening the powers of the commission, but KwaZulu-Natal had advocated a programme to “restore the credibility” of the commission, believing it had been tainted by the current commissioners.
Zuma has been summoned before the commission twice. Both times, he was reportedly asked to step down amid fears that he was bringing the organisation into disrepute. There was no action beyond those two calls. Although KwaZulu-Natal believed the commission was guilty of abusing its mandate, the policy conference took the view presented by Gauteng – that the powers of the commission should be strengthened.
This failure to influence the dominant narrative means that KwaZulu-Natal and its affiliated provinces will have only five months to consolidate support and make a comeback at the party’s December elective conference.