Ethiopia is an ancient and the only independent African country, renowned for its resistance to repeated attempts at conquest since the early 1800s. It decisively defeated European colonial aggression in 1896 at the Battle of Adwa.
Ethiopia is also widely recognised as the cradle of civilisation. In this regard, in ancient Abyssinia, later Ethiopia, the Axum civilisation was among the few ancient civilisations in human history in which modern social, political and economic interactions were recorded.
Furthermore, it has been known for its unique socio-political culture, particularly its hospitality towards the three Abrahamic religions and their co-existence for almost three millennia. In Ethiopia, the most respected and valued asset is respect for the common values of family, society, religion and the state at large. These values are considered paramount.
When something happens to these communal institutions, everyone stands together to defend them, irrespective of individual disputes and disagreements. These are the institutions from which individual pride and respect emanate. These values helped preserve Ethiopia’s independence and its natural diversity.
As a result, today Ethiopians use a different calendar from the Gregorian calendar and have their own alphabet, used officially in government, religious and academic institutions. Therefore, the way Ethiopians have preserved and practised their culture, language and coexistence amid ethnic and religious diversity is another area of astonishment.
The 1995 Constitution, on its part, attempted to embrace individual and group rights, complementing the country’s historical socio-cultural and political makeup. The Constitution furthermore appreciates existing human diversity and long-standing societal moral values to develop and preserve unity in diversity.
Despite these celebrated social, political and cultural values and its long statehood, the country has not completed its nation-building process or achieved democratic maturity. This means that even the 1995 Constitution, known for its generosity on issues such as democratic and human rights, did not ensure a final and lasting solution to outstanding political concerns and growing socioeconomic challenges dating back to the 1960s.
As a result, Ethiopia is often associated with civil war and persistent ethnic-based rebellion and related conflicts. Since the 1990s, there has been a frequent suggestion that the country should hold a national dialogue and reconciliation process. Hence, building national consensus on major political and social issues and addressing structural political shortcomings remain among the country's most important priorities.
In view of this broader understanding of internal challenges, the government of Ethiopia was finally convinced to respond to long-standing demands for national dialogue and reconciliation aimed at finding a lasting solution to political and social concerns. It is widely accepted that democratic nation-building through inclusive and participatory national dialogue is a necessary political effort.
To that end, on 29 December 2021, the Ethiopian National Dialogue Commission (ENDC) was established by Proclamation No. 1265/2021 by the Ethiopian House of Peoples' Representatives.
The commission comprises nine commissioners, senior and eminent individuals from diverse social and academic backgrounds, who were nominated by parliament through public participation in the initial candidate-selection process.
The commission has been authorised to conduct a national dialogue process with a general mandate to create a conducive environment for every citizen and group through direct representation, based on the principle of inclusivity and participatory engagement across the nation, including paramilitary militia groups.
Accordingly, the commission made the necessary preparations and drew lessons from other countries, including South Africa.
Currently, the commission is in its final stage, focusing on the agenda-validation process and has announced that the national forum will be attended by representatives from every constituency. Therefore, the national dialogue forum will be held from 15 July 2026 for three consecutive weeks.
There is widespread recognition of the importance of finalising a national dialogue that would convince much of the population and political elite to narrow their differences, reduce mistrust and build a democratic state.
Thus, this national dialogue is expected to address misunderstandings that lead to conflict. Public expectations are high and the process must meet a reasonable level of those expectations.
Ethiopia’s structural challenges, including elite divisions over the political trajectory and nation-building process, governance failures and corruption, make an inclusive and participatory dialogue essential.
On this basis, the ENDC designed a process that is relatively open and inclusive. It has achieved extensive reach, covering 1 234 districts (93% of the territory), federal and civic sectors, and diaspora hubs including Pretoria, London, Washington DC, Toronto and Stockholm. Tigray stakeholders were engaged and armed groups were formally invited, although some declined participation.
Critics who cite exclusion misunderstand inclusivity: it requires equal opportunity rather than 100% attendance. Armed groups often lack publicly articulated agendas and may pursue specific group interests, making participation in formal dialogue processes less likely. Supporters of the process argue that the seventh election and record voter turnout demonstrated a preference for dialogue over violence.
Formal institutions are viewed by supporters as more credible than armed rhetoric. They argue that groups rejecting dialogue while later criticising the process undermine efforts aimed at peaceful resolution.
The Ethiopian National Dialogue Commission, under the leadership of Professor Mesfin Araya, formulated its foundational framework through a rigorous examination of international experiences. Among these, the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was regarded as particularly relevant.
The South African experience demonstrates that dialogue can help address deep-seated division, institutional decay and protracted violent conflict.
Ethiopia can learn from South Africa’s experience, which ultimately transcended significant challenges by recognising a shared destiny and embracing national healing.
Notwithstanding its acknowledged shortcomings, the TRC process attracted substantial public criticism, including persistent grievances over incomplete truth-seeking, political interference, perceived betrayal among affected communities and the failure to prosecute perpetrators. Nevertheless, the TRC demonstrated that hostile factions engaged in active conflict can negotiate a shared future.
If South Africa could transform such a difficult legacy into a foundation for renewal, Ethiopia can utilise national dialogue to bridge existing divides. Conflict and war are fundamentally incompatible with sustainable peace and prosperity.
Consequently, despite its shortcomings and procedural weaknesses, the TRC precedent suggests that sustained negotiation and inclusive dialogue remain among the most viable and legitimate pathways for Ethiopia to overcome historical impasses and chart a new national course.
Questions of accountability and the normalisation of the conflict in northern Ethiopia are instead guided by the Pretoria Peace Agreement and were expressly designated for the transitional justice mechanism rather than the national dialogue process. This perception nevertheless adversely affected the commission’s engagement in the Tigray region. Regional representatives and political groups used this perceived gap as a justification for abstaining from the national dialogue process and excluding themselves from the seventh general election.
In certain regions, armed groups directly threatened the commission’s work. At the same time, their media wings engaged in deliberate misinformation and disinformation campaigns aimed at diverting public attention and undermining trust in the process. Given the scale of this activity on social media, it represents a serious challenge. Nevertheless, the commission has managed to withstand these disruptive efforts by a small number of groups.
As noted above, the recurring nature of political disputes and conflicts, combined with widespread public mistrust and misunderstanding, has convinced many political actors that consensus on the country’s major political issues is both necessary and achievable.
The national dialogue is an unprecedented political process in Ethiopia’s long history. Although democratic elections have been held through seven rounds, many of the country’s fundamental political challenges remain unresolved.
The dialogue therefore represents a significant development in contemporary Ethiopia. Many expect the process to help address outstanding challenges and produce outcomes that benefit all stakeholders.
Consequently, citizens, stakeholders and the international community have high expectations of the process. It should also be recognised that the dialogue is not intended to address every political challenge facing the country. Rather, it should be assessed according to the scope and objectives of its clearly defined mandate.
The commission affirms its vision of achieving national consensus on issues of fundamental national importance. To that end, it has systematically designed and implemented a comprehensive dialogue process encompassing preparatory activities, agenda collation and the selection of representatives from a broad range of constituencies. During the initial phase of the dialogue, the commission engaged more than 93% of the national territory and population.
The process has been deliberate and methodical in its approach to finalisation, with an emphasis on ensuring credible and meaningful public participation across different sectors of society.
Responsibility now rests with the forum to deliberate on the remaining substantive issues, guided by agenda items identified through grassroots consultations and prioritised by representatives of the people.
Nevertheless, it should be recognised that the forum cannot be expected to address every outstanding political concern. Even partial achievements should be regarded as meaningful progress.
Experience shows that no single process provides a complete resolution to complex political challenges. Instead, such processes create opportunities for continued dialogue and negotiation on specific issues over time.
Mrs Dessie Alebachew Maru is a career diplomat currently serving as head of the Ethiopian Embassy in Pretoria, South Africa. She previously served at the Ethiopian Embassy in Berlin and in Washington, DC, as the head of the economic diplomacy department. She has a Master of Business Administration (MBA) and has served the ministry for more than 24 years.