The British colonial government dismantled amaHlubi kingship but now, the nation is gearing up for a legal battle to have their kingship restored
The matter of the restoration of the Kingdom of amaHlubi dealt with by the North Gauteng High Court recently represents a significant milestone in the history of black people in this country.
Although the matter deals with the right of amaHlubi to exist as a nation and enjoy their rights and privileges to exist as a group of people and have their institutions of traditional leadership recognised, the matter has to be understood within the context of the effect of colonialism and the social and economic problems it caused for black people in general.
When Natal became a colony in 1843 one of the biggest challenges facing the colonial government was how it could exert control over black people while creating an environment for whites to amass wealth, which would make black people dependent on them for economic survival.
The white population was significantly less than that of black people. Theophilus Shepstone (Somtseu), who was the secretary for native affairs and had total control over the politics and governance of the colony on behalf of the Crown in Britain. He also had control over the administration of justice in the colony.
Traditional leaders were co-opted and those who displayed signs of resistance such as amaHlubi king, Langalibalele, were isolated and harshly dealt as the events of the period from 1873 to 1874 show with the arrest of Langalibalele, the “eating up” of amaHlubi and the confiscation of their land, cattle and sheep. Langalibalele was sent to Robben Island to serve time there as a prisoner.
Three decades into our democracy South Africa still battles with correcting the wrongs that were committed during that period and that is why the matter before the North Gauteng High Court is of such significance not only to amaHlubi but black people in general if we are to heal from the brutality of colonialism, reclaim our identity and build our communities for future generations.
Resistance to colonial laws and quest for independence
Langalibalele’s troubles with the colonial authorities started when it became clear to Shepstone and the colonial authorities in Natal that he was unwilling to be co-opted into the governance system that forced amakhosi to collaborate with the government.
At the heart of Langalibalele’s resistance was his refusal to subject himself, his people and natives in general to unjust laws designed to control them. These laws included marriage, gun control and hut tax.
Regarding marriage laws, which set to cap ilobolo to 10 cattle, Langalibalele’s view was that this was interference in the cultural domain of black people.
There were laws which were inconsistently enforced to the disadvantage of amaHlubi. With the diamond rush in Kimberley scores of young men set out to seek employment in the mines and many of them were given guns as payment.
With time this became a huge point of concern for the colonial authorities in Natal. With amakhosi accountable to local magistrates the demand was placed on them to embrace these laws and see to their enforcement on their subjects and Langalibalele’s defiance in this regard was well-received by the colonial authorities.
Langalibalele’s arrest and trial
When Langalibalele was arrested in Basutoland at the end of 1873 he had been under the impression that he would be safe in that protectorate, given the close relationship he had with Moshoeshoe.
Moshoeshoe’s son Molapo, who was king at the time, was in no mood to entertain Langalibalele’s plight. He joined in having Langalibalele hunted down, arrested and handed over to the Natal colonial authorities.
Although Molapo’s actions are easy to condemn as betrayal, one has to understand that as king of Basutoland he had to be trusted by the colonial government and in his calculation the relationship with Britain was more important than saving Langalibalele.
Langalibalele arrived in Pietermaritzburg in chains at the end of December 1873 to answer to treason charges in a trial that started two weeks after his arrest.
During this period he was kept in solitary confinement and allowed no contact with the outside world including access to a lawyer. To make sure that nothing would go wrong in the trial, Shepstone appointed his brother John Shepstone as prosecutor.
The Matshana tragedy involving the killing of two dozen African people in 1858 is not complete without the name of John Shepstone and his complicity in that incident involving witchcraft. Inkosi Matshana of Sithole people was lucky to escape with his life and thus survive Shepstone’s trap to have him killed.
In his earlier role as the acting secretary for native affairs, John Shepstone had already identified amaHlubi king as a problem for the colonial authorities when he said this about him: “Langalibalele is about the most independent chief in Natal.” His choice as prosecutor in Langalibalele’s treason trial was bound to deliver one outcome — that acceptable to the colonial authority.
His chief accusers, with a handful of amakhosi who showed loyalty to the colonial authority, presided over the trial. One of these leaders, inkosi Tetelegu ka Mapumuza, was to serve as Langalibalele’s jailor several years later when the latter was released from Robben Island to serve his time outside following unrelenting pressure by Bishop John William Colenso (Sobantu) on the Crown to correct the injustices inflicted during the trial.
A nation declared out of existence; a colonial cultural genocide
The struggle that amaHlubi are engaged in now is a struggle about reclaiming their identity, which was forcefully taken away from them in 1873 as a result of Langalibalele’s refusal to submit himself and his people to colonialism in general and the Natal colonial government in particular.
On 11 November 1873 the colonial administration declared martial law in Natal and a number of proclamations were signed by both the lieutenant-governor and the secretary for native affairs. One of these proclamations declared amaHlubi and Amangwe (Putini people) non-existent. Langalibalele was stripped of his position and authority as king and was never to be re-united with his people.
Because of the deadly skirmish between amaHlubi and the colonial army that had occurred at Bushman’s Pass when Langalibalele and some of his people were fleeing to Basutoland, the colonial government unleashed extreme violence on amaHlubi killing more than 200 of them (including women and children hiding in caves) and arresting 500. Those who were imprisoned had to work on white-owned farms as free labour.
A big strategic economic goal was thus realised — the confiscation of land and livestock and the availability of labour.
Historian Andrew Manson captures the intentions of the colonial authorities well in his 1979 paper on amaHlubi: “The inability of white farmers to compete successfully with their African neighbours in the production of foodstuffs gave rise to frequent jealousy and resentment. This was particularly so in the Weenen district where the wealth of the Hlubi was well-known.”
When amaHlubi makes a call for them to be recognised as a people this call has to be understood in the context of their desire to reclaim their past, which includes heritage and the simple recognition of their right to exist as a group of people who share a common past, culture and heritage.
It is also about them enjoying a birth right to have an individual that they recognise as their king in the same way that other people do in Britain and elsewhere as well.
The claim by amaHlubi to enjoy this right is not about contesting other traditional leaders — it is about correcting the wrongs of the past which black people collectively seek to do especially since our democratic breakthrough in 1994.
The “eating up” of amaHlubi had as one of its dire consequences the allocation of amaHlubi people to other kingdoms and nations, which resulted in their identity being erased from the face of modern South Africa.
As matters stand at the moment, amaHlubi have people who were imposed on them by the colonial government as traditional leaders or amakhosi and this remains a huge historical injustice that should not be left to future generations to deal with.
No nation or race that should be subjected to extinction because of the political, economic or military might of the other. Equally important, no government should deny any group of people their right of self-identity and cultural existence in favour of the other because of political expediency and survival.
The tragedy of what is happening in various parts of the world currently, where others, because of their military might, cancel out of existence those they consider weaker and this is not how our collective future as people of the world will be built.
When we started our democratisation journey as a country in 1994 we were clear about what we wanted to see happen around the world — peace, human rights and dignity — which have since become pillars of how we relate with the outside world.
Our voice as a country on issues concerning the people of Palestine and the Saharawi among others is not without context. It is premised on our own colonial experiences as a country and this is something that guides our approach in tackling acts of injustice where they occur in the world.
The struggle of amaHlubi at the moment is to have their reigning king, Muziwenkosi ka Tatazela Ka Siyephu ka Langalibalele (whose official title is Langalibalele II), recognised as a monarch and not be treated as a “chief” subservient to another king or kings despite him having about 40 amakhosi under him.
Continuing with the status quo means only one thing — a victory for the colonisers and the wiping from the face of the Earth of a nation, its history, heritage and cultural institutions including traditional leadership.
When the colonial government took a decision to declare amaHlubi out of existence in November 1873, four centuries of a people’s history, identity and social structure was buried and the people seeking redress in this regard are not being unreasonable in their demand.
Fidel Sketekete Hadebe is a proud South African and iHlubi writing in his personal capacity.