KwaZulu-Natal’s embattled monarch finds himself between a rock and a hard place as negotiations for an imbizo gather momentum, writes Ann Eveleth
There are few indications that the multi-party imbizo (mass gathering of the Zulu nation) planned for KwaZulu-Natal will achieve its nominal purpose of promoting peace and reconciliation in the blood-soaked province.
Strategically planned to precede the adoption of the provincial and national constitutions as well as the looming local government election showdown due in the province on May 29, the imbizo appears more likely to rub salt in old wounds than to end the civil war in the
A long and notoriously unsuccessful history of peace efforts, and a stack of unsettled scores in the province’s traditional hierarchy, suggest the imbizo — if it happens — will involve high stakes for all parties
Both the African National Congress and the Inkatha Freedom Party will bring their traditional trump cards to the process — the monarch and the chiefs, respectively — with a view to extending their influence in the opposition’s court and shoring up their relative positions in constitutional battles and on the ground.
For King Goodwill Zwelithini the event promises to be a royal D-Day, with ominous consequences. A planned pre-imbizo meeting with chiefs will be Zwelithini’s first face- to-face showdown with Mangosuthu Buthelezi since their September 1994 separation.
IFP leaders this week suggested the meeting would involve a confrontation over Zwelithini’s perceived alliance with the ANC, including his failure to recognise Buthelezi as his traditional prime minister, his opposition to international mediation and other outstanding issues which have emerged since the split.
The imbizo would also be an opportunity for IFP supporters to vent their anger at what they see as Zwelithini’s desertion.
Faced with sharp criticism from chiefs loyal to Buthelezi and the prospect of a renewed campaign to isolate him, Zwelithini will have two choices: capitulate to the IFP or stand his ground. Both choices will have serious consequences, and neither are likely to achieve peace.
Not known for his ability to stand his own ground — after more than 20 years of subservience to Buthelezi under apartheid — the monarch will face enormous pressure to rejoin the IFP fold. If he fails to do so, Buthelezi is likely to attempt to use it as an opportunity to shore up his position among chiefs.
IFP sources say Buthelezi has been uncertain about his support among chiefs, fearing that some had become “mesmerised” by Zwelithini, and even amenable to the ANC. However, if Zwelithini is seen as shunning a serious attempt at reconciliation, Buthelezi could use the snub to his advantage by blaming the monarch for the rampant divisions wracking the ranks of Zulu traditionalists.
While earlier speculation of an IFP plan to dethrone Zwelithini never materialised, it could easily resurface under IFP provisions for the provincial constitution, which empower the House of Traditional Leaders to withdraw his powers with a two-thirds vote.
The IFP’s draft provincial constitution identifies Zwelithini as the constitutional monarch of the province, bound to swear allegiance to and uphold the constitution, and to act on the advice of the IFP-dominated House of Traditional Leaders and a new IFP- controlled Royal Council, of which Buthelezi is automatically a member as chairman of the house.
Buthelezi is likely to ask Zwelithini whether he will abide by this new constitutional role — and thus the constitution. If he refuses, the prospect of a constitutional dethronement — and a related rise in tension on the ground — could re-emerge.
While a firm stand by the monarch would exacerbate tensions with the IFP leadership, an imbizo in which the monarch promotes his views of political neutrality of traditional leaders would be hugely beneficial to the ANC.
President Nelson Mandela’s quest to separate tradition from politics has already gained momentum with Zwelithini’s call for a ban on traditional leaders holding political office. That separation alone would be a significant boost for the ANC in the province as the IFP’s support base depends heavily on the role of traditional leaders.
“The chiefs have a great sense of respect for the king, and tend to become submissive in his presence,” an ANC source said. “At the very least, some chiefs would take heed of his call. The upshot of this would be free political activity and we would be allowed to canvass for votes in certain rural areas.”
The imbizo would also provide Mandela with a historic opportunity to address IFP supporters as the “honest-broker” of a peace initiative between the two parties.
With Mandela and Zwelithini joining forces in promoting a strong message of peace, the imbizo — Zwelithini’s first since his split from Buthelezi — would kick-start the ANC’s election campaign while increasing the confusion among IFP traditionalists.