Few acts could have been better calculated to ensure that public confidence in the South African Police Service and the morale of police officers plummet than the armed robbery this week at one of Cape Town’s largest police stations.
Coming on the heels of the New Year’s Day car bomb at the waterfront, it appears those responsible for the terror which has bedevilled the city for more than two years are cocking a snook at the authorities.
The response of the government and police was once again outrage and promises of action; but these have something of a hollow ring coming after a year in which urban terror has continued virtually unabated on the Peninsula.
While the police hold meetings and politicians bicker, most people want to know why the authorities are unable to arrest the perpetrators, bring them to court and ensure convictions. It is indeed the key question.
There were 1 137 violent attacks in Cape Town last year. There has not been a single conviction; some cases collapsed, others are awaiting resolution and many suspects are out on bail.
Clearly part of the problem lies with the unwieldy and clogged justice system, and recently announced measures to fast-track cases are long overdue.
There is room for sympathy with the police, who like their counterparts in democracies the world over, face special problems in dealing with terrorists.
Police say they are handicapped by a lack of admissible evidence. Witnesses are reluctant to testify for fear of intimidation.
There is also merit in the argument that investigators battle to penetrate the cells which they claim are responsible for much of the mayhem. While they have informers within groups like People against Gangsterism and Drugs, these agents cannot get close to the key assailants because they are not allowed to act outside the law.
Under-resourcing is also a problem for the police and there is a special need for officers training in crime prevention. But this is not enough to account for the failure of police to halt the terror and all too often the only explanation is sheer incompetence.
Senior officers admit that poor detective work, inefficiency and rivalry within the force frequently bedevil investigations.
The selection of targets more overtly political than local drug dealers may ensure that the population of Cape Town turns against these terrorists. But a mass base is not necessary for a small group willing to use violence as a tool to achieve its goals. Whoever the perpetrators, there can be little doubt that unless the authorities make substantial breakthroughs, the situation is likely to worsen as elections draw nearer.
This a threat, not only to the people of the Western Cape but the country as a whole because no democracy, let alone one which is still young, can afford a situation where a propensity for violence allows any small group to hold sway.
The government, national and provincial, is responsible for protecting citizens and protecting democracy.
It has so far failed to do this in the Western Cape. There is an urgent need for the authorities to take steps to ensure that skills, resources and team effort are thrown into a concerted effort to put those responsible behind bars soon.
Nothing for mahala
In a racially charged country like South Africa, the bonus marks awarded to African language-speaking matriculants was a particularly ill- hatched plan. It must not happen again.
Little discussion or debate preceded the decision to adjust by 1,05% the marks obtained in non-home language subjects obtained by the class of 1998.
Those who passed stand little chance of getting a job in a shrinking economy. Those who make it into the interview room now risk being stigmatised by the assumption that they got there on state largesse … that they are Sibusiso Bengu’s babies.
Black matriculants, already at a disadvantage with lower marks and without the head start and self- confidence that good schools inculcate, will be at the bottom of the jobs pile because they’re not “real”.
The rainbow nation is fading at the edges and goodwill is running low. Racial tension is mounting and affirmative action has fuelled the tension. Affirmative action is a necessary exercise in the workplace – we didn’t have to do it in the classroom.
Were the implications of the bonus marks considered before the education czars rushed them through? It appears not. The Pan South African Language Board was not consulted and constitutionally the Department of Education was bound to do so.
If they did, they might have hatched a better plan – one which does not risk prejudicing a generation.
Matric is a faulty exam, but still an essential one in present-day South Africa. Providing an exam paper in a pupil’s first language is a more expensive option than giving out a few mahala (free) marks.
But the price tag would have been cheap compared with the legacy that the ill- conceived bonus marks may have left matriculants who received a present they may not need.