Anthony Egan
AFRICA: THE TIME HAS COME by Thabo Mbeki (Tafelberg/Mafube)
HOPE AND FEAR: REFLECTIONS OF A DEMOCRAT by Tony Leon (Jonathan Ball)
It is election year, so anything published by a prominent politician gets special treatment, whether they deserve it or not.
These two books -by the president-in-waiting and one whom many hope will become the leader of the opposition, respectively – merit particular scrutiny. Both are collections of speeches and talks given in and outside Parliament.
Thabo Mbeki’s speeches read very well -they are stylish and coherent. He uses the right mix of populist rhetoric, reason and literary allusion to keep the reader’s attention. His later speeches are more flowing than the handful of pre-1994 talks included in the prologue, though the latter form an interesting contrast. They have a strong Marxist tone, which is absent after 1994; they are period pieces, looking back to a time when the ANC still thought in terms of a kind of socialist South Africa.
Many of the famous speeches are included. Mbeki’s “I am an African” speech – on the occasion of the adoption of the Constitution – has an almost poetic quality, structured in a way similar to the speeches of the great African-American civil rights activist (and religious minister, which provided the echo of the pulpit)Martin Luther King. It is also a firm stand for non-racialism and looks towards his later speeches, also included here, on the “African renaissance”.
What is this “African renaissance”, of which Mbeki speaks frequently in this book, and which is so often followed – as he notes on some occasions – by escalating political crises on the continent?
Reading the texts (and between the lines) this concept seems at its best to be a commitment to revitalising Africa as a continent – economically, politically, culturally – and bringing it into a more central position in the global village. Inevitably this means both building greater self-esteem among all Africans (black and white) and restoring the values of liberty, community and democracy. This one can only praise and support.
But some might argue that such a project could simply be a “front”: a comfortable and comforting discourse to plaster over socioeconomic cracks; a way of bolstering the interests of a “patriotic bourgeoisie”, a new ruling elite whose only difference from the former is that they are black.
One notable feature of Africa: The Time Has Come is the diversity of its contents. Mbeki discusses the need for education, economic relations with Europe and the Asian tigers, the need for “transforming” the economy and the question of non-racialism. Non-racialism is frequently linked to the transformation of society: it is not enough to simply say that race is irrelevant. In an unequal society it would be absurd not to make the link. Conservatives may speak of “reverse racism”. Read out of context, such ideas can sound racist; in context, they seem quite reasonable.
Indeed, one thing that emerges from this collection is Mbeki’s eminent reasonability. This may well be a case of selection – to make a fair judgment of this one would have to work through all his speeches, a laborious task given their sheer number. Certainly it would seem that one of the agendas of this book is to present Mbeki as a kind of South African philosopher- president. The problem of course – in election year – is whether South Africa needs a leader with a “vision” or someone who will introduce policies that create jobs, deliver public services and eradicate corruption and crime – while promoting an “African renaissance”. We need both.
Far more blunt and practical are the speeches of Tony Leon, leader of the Democratic Party. In some ways, as leader of an opposition party (probably the most effective in Parliament), Leon has both advantages and disadvantages. It is easy to attack the foibles of those in power – something Leon does with great skill and, the reader might suspect, with not a little pleasure.
After a rather ponderous biographical introduction (not written by Leon) the book crackles with combative energy, in both the pre- 1994 pieces and those produced after the establishment of non-racial democracy. Leon is often withering in his critique of both the National Party and ANC governments. His agenda is that of the classic liberal: civil rights, rule of law, strict separation of entities like Parliament and the judiciary. He welcomes the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the new Constitution, but as regards the latter he puts in a plea for the studious defence of minorities against the “tyranny of the majority”.
Similarly, though he recognises that privileges in a society like South Africa have been horribly skewed, he advocates economic policies that are not simply redistributive but creative of new opportunities. He is critical of legislation that enforces affirmative action employment policies, arguing that it does not serve the best interests of the economy.
Likewise he is strongly opposed to the influence the trade union movement has on both government and economy (though he does not sink to the pathetic rhetoric of some parties that see the ANC as communist-dominated and still pursuing a Marxist agenda).
The question one might ask about Leon’s position is simply: Is this realistic, given the great inequalities existing in South Africa and the questionable potential for significant social and economic growth in the current global economic climate? Alternatively, one might also ask whether, given the realities of the global economy – where transnationals can simply shift investments to economically favourable countries (read: places where labour is cheap, unions are weak and crime is minimal) – is he not unfortunately right?
Leon is perhaps at his best when he attacks government and ANC high-handedness – often when the ruling party seems to confuse the distinction between party and public interest, or when ministers bungle repeatedly and go uncensured. He is quite right to condemn those who equate criticism of government practices and policies with lack of patriotism or (if the critic happens to be white) with racism.
Leon’s style is far less poetic or literary than Mbeki’s. It is that of the lawyer with a strong background in political theory, albeit mainly of a free market/liberal camp. Whereas Mbeki has a long-term vision, Leon’s deals mostly with the immediate.
At heart, the debate between them is that between those who prioritise a freedom rooted in community and those who see freedom primarily in personal liberty. South Africa, a nation emerging from authoritarianism, needs both.
Paradoxically, neither book gets to grips with the people behind the political personae and the traditions in which they operate. Leadership style is evident; substance as leaders – particularly how they deal with those within their parties – is absent. Perhaps this is inevitable. Speeches are constructed; off-the- cuff comments are not. Both Mbeki and Leon need good, critical biographers – but not praise singers.
Will these books have an impact on the 1999 elections? Not as much, I suspect, as the ANC and the DP might hope. Those who read them will probably be the converted. Or the profoundly sceptical student of contemporary politics.