When it comes to elaborating grand plans, noble sentiments and making pious pronouncements, few political parties can match the African National Congress. The ANC’s January 8 statement on the occasion of its 90th anniversary was no different.
The statement correctly acknowledged the sacrifices made to defeat apartheid colonialism.
Indeed, the present ruling elite owes its fortunes and status to these sacrifices. While it is in the nature of anniversaries to call the masses to celebrate the heroic deeds and sacrifices that brought about the defeat of apartheid, the exercise is also self-serving.
The heroic deeds are rallied to convince the masses that because the present ruling elites are direct descendents of the heroes and heroines of struggle, they hold the copyright to struggle and are therefore the sole custodians of the aspirations of the still-oppressed and disadvantaged majority.
Grand plans and noble intentions are advanced to convince the masses that they have not been forgotten. Accordingly, promises are made to “offload the burden of poverty, disease, ignorance and underdevelopment that continue to afflict millions of our people” and to ensure that the “masses have access to houses, water and sanitation, electricity, health facilities, telecommunication, roads, affordable and efficient transport and other social infrastructure”. Forever vigilant and acutely aware of the growing concern regarding the centralisation of power, the deepening of poverty and the spiralling crime, the presidency has craftily invoked sentiments enshrined in the Freedom Charter to appease the masses. These include “the people shall govern”, “the people shall share in the country’s wealth”, “there shall be work and security” and “the doors of learning shall be opened”.
The tactic of reminiscing about the glorious past struggles and simultaneously conjuring the idyllic future by making bold promises is a dynamic that has played itself out many times in the continent. Its success depends on exploiting the lack of political sophistication and material desperation of the masses. Describing this dynamic Frantz Fanon writes in The Wretched of the Earth: “Every time [the leader] speaks to the people he calls to mind his often heroic life, the struggles he has led and the victories that in their name he has achieved, thereby intimating clearly to the masses that they ought to go on putting their confidence in him.
“[Unfortunately] the peasant who goes on scratching out a living from the soil and the unemployed man who never finds employment do not manage, in spite of public holidays and flags, new and brightly coloured though they may be, to convince themselves that anything has really changed in their lives. The bourgeoisie who are in power vainly increase the number of processions; the masses have no illusions. They are hungry, and the police officers, though they are now Africans, do not serve to reassure them particularly.”
Bereft of ideas and incapable of putting in place programmes that will usher in a better life for all, the new ruling elite becomes preoccupied with its material comfort and with filling its pockets as quickly as possible. To deal with the inevitable economic stagnation, the ruling elite fabricates confidence-building mechanisms. Fanon provides further insight: “In order to hide this [economic] stagnation and to mark this regression, to reassure itself and to give itself something to boast about, the [ruling elite] can find nothing better to do than erect grandiose buildings in the capital and to lay out money on what are called prestige expenses.”
This betrayal of the people would not be possible without an endorsement from the party political bosses and a subversion of the party. Describing this aspect Fanon writes: “The party, instead of welcoming the expression of popular discontent, instead of taking for its fundamental purpose the free flow of ideas from the people up to the government, forms a screen and forbids such ideas. The party leaders behave like common sergeant majors, frequently reminding the people of the need for “silence in the ranks”. This party which used to call itself the servant of the people, which used to claim that it worked for the full expression of the people’s will, as soon as the colonial power puts the country into its control hastens to send the people back to their caves.”
The above invite the questions: Do elements of the dynamic described by Fanon pertain to this country? Is there a gap between the fine pronouncements of the ANC’s anniversary statement and its response to the challenges facing this country?
Firstly, the decision by the ANC statement to underplay, if not be dismissive of, the HIV/Aids epidemic underscores the gap between beautiful sentiments and reality. With typical reluctance, the epidemic is referred to only once. This is despite (or to spite) the fact that the United Nations Special Session on HIV/Aids noted that the epidemic “constitutes a global emergency and one of the most formidable challenges to human life and dignity”. Considering the scale of the epidemic and the extent of human suffering, if African lives were cheap under apartheid, they are certainly cheaper under the ANC government.
Secondly, prioritising arms procurement while the majority remains trapped in abject poverty makes nonsense of “putting people first”. It is a definite shift from sentiments expressed by the former president of the ANC, Oliver Tambo. In January 1985 Tambo argued: “We should therefore unite in action to demand food and not guns, jobs for the unemployed, the diversion of resources to improve the lives of the impoverished masses. The wealth we create with our labour should not go to enrich a small clique and oil the machinery of apartheid, while millions suffer from starvation.” It is tragic that this advice escapes the present ruling elite. Today, increased poverty, hunger, unemployment, landlessness, homelessness and denial of medical treatment all contribute to the negation of human dignity.
Thirdly, pronouncements extolling the virtues of democracy and people-centred government sound hollow in the context of fictitious plots aimed at pre-empting political challenge. Further, investing power to appoint the Cabinet, premiers, director generals, and mayors in one person makes nonsense of the notion of people-centred governance. In terms of political office, Mandela limited his role to appointing only the Cabinet. It is also ironic that the 90th anniversary takes place against the backdrop of tensions in the ANC tripartite alliance. That these tensions have degenerated to mudslinging, name-calling and character assassination reflects poorly on an organisation with a 90-year-old history. If anything it exposes the emotional immaturity and intellectual bankruptcy of the current crop of leaders. Evidently, we have learnt very little from the history of struggle.