The customary bunch of election observers stayed away from South Africa’s third democratic poll, giving it a clean bill of health before the citizens went to vote.
But even as President Thabo Mbeki was proudly making his “look ma, no hands” acknowledgement of this good housekeeping seal of approval from the United Nations, the European Union and the Commonwealth, Africa’s most populous country was demonstrating what a delicate bloom democracy is.
Olusegun Obasanjo cancelled his soldiers’ leave and ordered them to return to barracks. In his Easter message he urged his 130-million compatriots “to protect civilian rule from unpatriotic elements”.
What Obasanjo’s spokesperson described as a “considerable number” of army officers, both serving and retired, were arrested on April 1 on suspicion of “serious breaches of security”.
Obasanjo returned Nigeria to civilian rule — ending its sixth spell under military rule since gaining independence from Britain in 1960 — in the same year as Mbeki won his first term as president. Under the corrupt General Sani Abacha, who held power from 1993 until his sudden death in 1998, Obasanjo was imprisoned.
The latest coup fears are centred on Abacha’s security chief Hamza al-Mustapha who was, at his height, the second most powerful man in Nigeria.
Al-Mustapha was charged in 1998 with directing the murder of Kudirat Abiolo, the wife of opposition leader Moshood Abiola. Last week he was seized from prison and handed to military intelligence.
Obasanjo has since insisted, however, that al-Mustapha face civilian charges of murder. Obasanjo has opted against making any direct reference to an attempted putsch.
He demonstrated his repugnance of extra-constitutional activity by sending a gunboat to patrol the waters of Equatorial Guinea following reports of a suspected plot to overthrow President Teodoro Obiang Nguema.
As one of the drivers of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development, Obasanjo strongly supported the African Union concept of “red carding” any African leader who skipped the ballot box on his way to power.
Nigeria’s muscular media have been more direct in their criticism of any attempted coup. The Vanguard declared last week that “the worst civilian government is better than the best military regime”.
Last month Obasanjo had emergency talks with Nigeria’s regional police chiefs following high-profile killings and attacks by armed bandits. Police chiefs said they were seeking more resources to help tackle the political violence.
Nigerians are worried that local elections later this month could cause many local disputes to flare. On March 7 gunmen shot dead the head of the electoral commission in the central state of Kogi. And a ruling party candidate and his wife were murdered in Kogi a week earlier.
Obasanjo has never had an easy time at the helm. His critics, who say he is planning a civilian dictatorship, are organising a “two million man march” on April 19 to protest what they see as corruption and maladministration.
The date of the planned protest is the first anniversary of the presidential and gubernatorial elections that brought Obasanjo to power.
Some small comfort came to the president this week in the shape of the trade union umbrella group, the Nigerian Labour Congress, declaring it will not participate in the march.
Obasanjo, a devout Christian, who starts each day in a prayer meeting with advisers and read nothing but the scriptures during his time in prison, is also being made to pay for his faith.
He is determined to maintain a secular government in a country comprising 50% Christians, 40% Muslims and 10% tribal religions. But the northern, mostly Muslim, states are bent on bringing in the Sharia penal code.
There have long been elements of Sharia law in the family law of the country. But Christian Nigerians are repelled by the prospect of having floggings, amputations and even beheadings for certain crimes.
The sentencing to death of two women involved in extra-marital affairs further inflamed feelings. Sharia law requires four males to witness adultery for a man to be found guilty. In the case of a woman, the birth of a child out of wedlock is sufficient to condemn her.
The Christian-Muslim differences have frequently turned violent. More than 3 000 people have died in religious fighting in the state of Kaduna since the turn of the millennium.
Last week the umbrella Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) withdrew from government-sponsored peace talks with its Islamic counterpart Jamatu’ul Nasir (JNI).
CAN declared that three years of negotiations had been compromised by a recent spate of attacks that killed more than 1 000 people and saw 63 churches destroyed this year.
But Abulkadir Orire, JNI secretary general, challenged CAN’s claims, saying most of the victims of the clashes in Plateau state were Muslims.
The JNI blamed the recent violence on unnamed “disgruntled elements” that were using restless and frustrated Muslim youths to achieve selfish socio-economic and political ambitions. The Islamic group called on the Nigerian authorities to probe these incidents that have “created distrust” between Muslims and Christians.