It is trite that the Freedom Charter is an African National Congress document. The Democratic Alliance and the Inkatha Freedom Party are therefore stating the obvious when they allege as much.
But those who plan to boycott the 50th anniversary celebrations of the document miss a bigger point when they focus on its ANC roots or outmoded language.
Broadly speaking, the ideals of the charter are universal aspirations. It is a blueprint for the future drawn up by a society carrying the albatross of racism and injustice. Sure, it says a thing or two about nationalisation of mines and banks, but which self-respecting revolutionary in 1955 was not saying things like that?
Both Africanists and capitalists are correct when they say that some of the leading figures in the conception and creation of the charter were white and communist inclined. But it is a distortion to suggest that is the only story.
It would be a great pity if South Africans thought less of the ideals of social justice articulated in Kliptown simply because they were put on the table by people whose skin colour or politics they did not like.
We join in the celebration of the Freedom Charter because we recognise the efforts of those pioneers who defied convention and a brutal state apparatus to dream of a better life for all. We celebrate it because as in all good and true political compromises, it gave to and took from everyone involved, for the good of society as a whole.
We also endorse the return to Kliptown because we think that the ANC needs it. By returning, the ANC will learn that taking Parliament to Kliptown is more than just a symbolic march of the triumphant.
Many ills that led to the Congress of the People persist.
Kliptown will highlight that the pledge that ”all people shall have the right to be decently housed” is still a dream there and in many other areas of the country. Kliptown is still without proper toilets and families use the bucket system. Many there still go hungry, despite the commitment made 50 years ago that hunger shall be eradicated.
Kliptown is also a reminder that the doors of education are still closed to many. The area does not have a school of its own and learners have to travel to nearby Klipspruit West and Eldorado Park for classes.
In Kliptown and elsewhere, the sick and those living with HIV/Aids are still waiting for the full realisation of the commitment made 50 years ago that ”free medical care and hospitalisation shall be provided for all”.
But that doesn’t mean we buy the argument advanced by the Speaker of Parliament, Baleka Mbete, that the legislature’s R6-million trip to Soweto is needed to bring Parliament to the people.
Electoral reform proposals that would have allowed Kliptown’s residents to elect an MP directly and kick him or her out if they weren’t happy with what they got have been scuppered. A hybrid consituency and proportional representation system would do more to bring Parliament to the people than any number of costly jamborees.
Nonetheless, going back to Kliptown is about looking back on the road travelled over the 50 years since and taking stock of how much more still needs to be done. It is a vital journey.
A lukewarm welcome
Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka is one of the stars of President Thabo Mbeki’s Cabinet, of that there is little question. She is described by just about everyone who has dealt with her as bright, driven and, when necessary, extremely tough. Those are characteristics she will need in spades as she moves into a seat that is not just warm from Jacob Zuma’s recent departure, but blisteringly hot.
As minerals and energy minister, Mlambo-Ngcuka had one of the more difficult balancing acts in the government. She had to pilot through the legislative process enormously complex and controversial legislation to overhaul mineral rights and begin liberalising the fuel market, while pioneering the empowerment charter process with the Mining Charter.
Despite a few early wobbles — notably the leaking of an early draft of the charter — she did remarkably well, winning the confidence of the hard men at Anglo, Harmony and De Beers, as well as black business.
All this augurs well for her ability to perform effectively in the deputy presidency, a job that some in government suggest will be focused on detailed hands-on management, rather than the vaguer, headlining role play by Zuma.
This is all to the good, but the appointment does raise concerns that can’t be wished away. Clearly Mbeki is confident that she can handle the intense political fire that will be directed at her by virtue of her marriage to Bulelani Ngcuka, the man seen by Zuma supporters as an assassin in prosecutor’s robes. However absurd that proposition is, it will have to be dealt with.
Of more concern to the Mail & Guardian are the unresolved questions surrounding the Oilgate saga. Mlambo-Ngcuka may have satisfied the president that her role has been above reproach, but she has been less than forthright with the public about a R50 000 payment made to her brother, Bonga, by Imvume Management just days after it diverted R15-million from state-owned oil company PetroSA to the African National Congress. And as we report this week, she has given conflicting answers about her willingness to intervene in the management of PetroSA.
Government spokesperson Joel Netshitenze says Oilgate is a party concern, which is of no relevance to her promotion. That is wishful thinking. The deputy president should reassure us, just as she has Mbeki. When she does so we will be able welcome her appointment unequivocally.