Mbeki stronghold threatened

A lobby favouring Jacob Zuma as the next ANC leader is making inroads in Limpopo, traditionally a stronghold of President Thabo Mbeki, ANC sources say.

With 52 489 members, Limpopo is the ANC’s fourth-largest province, after Gauteng, KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape. At the 2002 Stellenbosch conference, it fielded 324 voting delegates — almost twice those of the smallest province, the Northern Cape.

Party sources said the Mbeki camp had lost much of its traditional support, but is fighting back.

Sello Moloto, Limpopo’s premier and ANC provincial chairperson, is said to be losing his grip on the provincial executive committee (PEC) following his public lashing of Zuma last year.

Moloto accused Zuma of elevating his personal problems to national ones. A PEC member said the statement ‘nearly compromised him”, and that he had only survived because ‘he did not refer to Zuma by name”.

Some PEC members believe Moloto does not have the same influence in the party that he exerts in the provincial government.

‘Unlike in government, he cannot influence provincial ministers on the political direction the party should take,” said a youth league leader who sits on the PEC.

The following is the state of play in Limpopo’s five regions:

Sekhukhune

A presidential nodal point and Limpopo’s biggest ANC region, with 14 279 members in June last year, Sekhukhune is said to be a Zuma stronghold. ANC provincial secretary Cassel Mathale, a Zuma backer, controls the region.

However, the Zuma camp has accused Moloto of using patronage to dilute support for Zuma by offering members of the ANC Youth League awards and money from the premier’s youth budget.

Shortly before Mbeki’s visit to the region last month, the Sowetan reported that Sekhukhune was the only region that supported Zuma. But David Magabe, the regional secretary, and Dickson Masemola, the regional chairperson, hit back, asserting that the region was ‘fully behind” Mbeki.

‘Nobody can claim that through our actions or omissions — we do not support the leadership of the movement elected at Stellenbosch,” the statement said.

Capricorn

Based around Polokwane, Capricorn has 12 538 members and is seen as pro-Mbeki. But the Zuma camp is trying to wrest control of the region by using the influence of two Zuma backers, provincial minister of public works and provincial chairperson of the ANC Women’s League Rosina Semenya, and Maite Nkoana Mashabane, provincial housing and local government minister.

Mashabane’s husband, Norman, is a Zuma backer. He is best known as the man found guilty of 21 counts of sexual harassment in 2001 while serving as South Africa’s ambassador to Indonesia.

Semenya had a torrid time as provincial minister in various portfolios, but Moloto did not fire her, allegedly because of her political influence in Capricorn.

‘There has been a cold war for some time now between Moloto and the two provincial ministers, but he hasn’t fired them. He hopes he can bring them into his camp through patronage,” said a PEC member.

Vhembe

The third-largest region, with 10 762 members, includes Makhado (formerly Louis Trichardt). It has produced such heavyweights as the ANC’s Joel Netshitenzhe, policy head in the presidency, and politician-turned-tycoon Cyril Ramaphosa.

Led by Moloto’s right-hand man, Paul Mainganye, a senior communications manager in the premier’s office, the region is pro-Mbeki.

However, Zuma backers insist Mainganye leans towards Zuma’s cause. ‘He [Mainganye] is a pro-Zuma person and has been very clear on who should lead the ANC. However, local politics dictate that you should be seen as supporting those in government positions to avoid being purged,” a youth league leader said.

Mainganye has dismissed both claims about his loyalties. ‘The leadership I’m comfortable with in the ANC has no relation with my work in government,” he said.

Waterberg

The region, with 7 729 members, is said to be firmly under the control of former Limpopo premier Ngoako Ramathlodi, whose falling-out with Mbeki has been widely publicised. Ramatlhodi’s hopes of being appointed head of the National Prosecuting Authority were scuppered when the Scorpions investigated him for corruption, but failed to bring charges against him.

A PEC member said: ‘People feel Ramathlodi was dumped by Mbeki after working hard for the ANC and the government. They are very bitter about what happened to him.”

The region, which includes Mokopane (formerly Potgietersrus) and Thabazimbi, is also home to Moloto.

Mopani

Mopani is the smallest region in the province, with 7 181 members. Led by Mathale’s close friend, regional chairperson and Mopani mayor, Humphrey Mokgobi, this is regarded as a Zuma stronghold. The M&G understands that Zuma backers, including the deputy chairperson of the ANC Youth League, Joshua Matlou, hold all the top official positions in the regional executive committee.

A youth league leader said: ‘The Mbeki camp will find it difficult to make inroads and dilute Zuma’s support.” Mopani includes Tzaneen.

The alliance

Zuma backers are in control of Cosatu and the youth league in the province, but are battling to wrest control of the South African Communist Party (SACP) from the Mbeki camp.

An Mbeki loyalist, Justice Pitso, runs the provincial SACP. Pitso and his deputy, Jack Matlala, are said be at loggerheads with the party’s secretary general, Blade Nzimande, regarding the national position of the party to support Zuma in the ANC succession battle. The Zuma camp believes that Pitso became indebted to Moloto after he was offered a government position as the roads and transport provincial minister.