I recently had the opportunity of being part of two interesting discussions that have a bearing on the debate about whether faith-based organisations have the capacity to influence policy and, more generally, the religion-state relationship in South Africa. The first was A Sideline Reflection on the Role of the National Religious Leaders Forum, the second, What Religious Communities Can Do to Combat Human Trafficking.
The feeling in the room was that victims of trafficking, who, as a certainty, would be sexually and physically abused, could find healing and support from the faith-based sector. It is this perception of the sector that requires closer scrutiny. The sector can, and does, provide a lot more than healing and support. Government views the faith-based sector as an important partner in addressing social problems.
There is a growing concern that religious leaders are not critical enough of government policies and action when it comes to the needs of the poor. In fact religious leaders tend to emerge from meetings with the president showing a greater understanding of government decisions and actions.
Government officials often indicate that they have heard the concerns of the faith-based sector, but one is left feeling that they remain unmoved and that the meeting achieved no more than a photo opportunity or joint statement.
The faith-based sector has been active at all levels of consultation with government officials, but has it been effective or merely mesmerised by those who hold political office? It was when the sector broke free from its, at times, complicit role in providing legitimacy to apartheid policies and challenged the invincibility of the apartheid state that churches and mosques became centres of resistance, a refuge for activists, while continuing their role as centres of healing and support.
Being on the side of the weak is what faith-based organisations do best. The underlying value and resulting action is that of ”speaking the truth to power”. The scorecard of faith-based organisations, however, appears dismal in forcing the hand of government on retrenchments, unemployment, service delivery, allegations of corruption, crime and the political uncertainty the current bruising succession battle is causing. Either the sector is not shouting loudly enough, or the government is not listening carefully enough and does not feel its policies and practices challenged enough to consider changing them.
Having the best pro-poor policies does not ensure that the needs of the poor are met. It is here that the sector needs to be vigilant and show its impatience with bureaucrats and their political masters.
An example of an important intervention by Islamic Relief was the facilitation of a process of reconciliation in Masiphumele township in Ocean View in the Western Cape. This was after vicious attacks by youths on businesses owned by the Somali community. The issues of poor and marginalised communities have become much more complex than they were during the anti-apartheid struggle. Stepping into any conflict or social problem requires resources, a deep level of understanding of what the issues are and an awareness of your own interests in the conflict.
In this case Islamic Relief had the confidence of the affected parties from the refugee community. Although we are mostly South Africans in our office, we negotiated for those child-headed homes and orphans in the township supported by Islamic Relief to benefit from the lower prices offered by refugee community businesses. At the same time local businesses contribute to local economic development — and so the complexity increases.
Ensuring that our staff exercise skill and patience through a difficult process requires that, as an organisation, we invest in building the capacity of our employees. Building staff capacity, facilitating workshops and mediation require funds. In this case the funds were provided by the Office of the Premier of the Western Cape.
This adds a further twist to the relationship between faith-based organisations and government. Government is a donor and an extremely influential one. Many faith-based organisations receive much-needed funds from a range of government departments and parastatals and choose to spend this money where it is needed most — such as keeping the staff of their community-based projects in salaried positions. Challenging government policy or its lack of service delivery does not come into consideration.
Faith-based organisations are known to be frugal and to implement innovative projects to benefit the poor. Independent donors, on the other hand, congregants of various faiths, would rather see the hungry fed than hear words such as research, policy development, training, workshops, advocacy and lobbying.
Institutional and bilateral donors, who do not ignore funding requests simply because an organisation is faith based, would either view Muslim organisations, in particular, with suspicion or would subject them to a barrage of Islamophobic questions unrelated to their call for proposals, with which the organisation might totally comply.
Challenging, questioning and even calling for the improvement of existing government policies and maintaining and managing a relationship with government requires the congregants and corporate and institutional donors to provide faith-based organisations with the resources to improve capacity and increase advocacy work. At the same time it also requires the faith-based sector to be more robust; to step outside its political and other government affiliations. The moral authority and proximity to the poor and marginalised of the sector must be put to greater use in advocating for the poor.
Cassiem Khan is the country director for Islamic Relief Worldwide — South Africa based in Johannesburg