‘We want an NEC that works’

Nominations conferences in all provinces have reduced the contest for the African National Congress (ANC) leadership to a two-horse race — and dealt a stinging setback to President Thabo Mbeki. Jacob Zuma won five provinces and, more significantly, received a total of 2 232 votes for the presidency, against Mbeki’s 1 406. The pro-Zuma provinces also endorsed his slate for other “top six” positions. And in another surprise reversal for Mbeki, the ANC Women’s League endorsed his rival.

The Mail & Guardian asked five senior ANC “elders” to comment on the provincial results, the party’s hardening divisions, and the potential fallout beyond Polokwane.

Mbhazima Shilowa

Gauteng Premier

I was disappointed by the size of Jacob Zuma’s margin of victory at the Gauteng ANC nominations conference at the weekend. But what really shook me was the “winner takes all” approach of the winning camp.

I’d assumed a progressive province like ours would back Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma for the ANC deputy presidency. I also thought there’d be support for a highly respected figure like Joel Netshitenzhe, who is based in Gauteng. [Thabo Mbeki won 94 nominations for the ANC presidency to Zuma’s 292. Dlamini-Zuma was endorsed as party chair, rather than as deputy president, while Netshitenzhe, the Mbeki camp’s proposed chair, was not nominated for any position.]

What happened at the conference said less about the grass roots than the generals on both sides. It would appear that there is a willingness to travel the length and breadth to sell a candidate. Mbeki was nominated by 26 branches; with engagement, that changed.

Lobbying will intensify before the Polokwane conference, with campaigners now being determined to consolidate gains or reverse setbacks.

If his advisers tell him there is still fire in the bellies of his supporters, Mbeki should not throw in the towel. The Gauteng provincial leadership contest, where Angie Motshekga received more branch nominations than the victorious Paul Mashatile, shows he cannot be counted out.

But the pressing danger is that Polokwane delegates in both camps will elect “our people”, not just to the presidency but the broad ANC leadership, including the national executive committee.

The leadership must represent all factions; you can’t exclude people because they’re not on your side. It is not in the movement’s best interests that Joel or Pallo Jordan are excluded from the NEC. You want an NEC that works.

The treatment of Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma also reflects badly on the ANC’s stated commitment to advancing female leaders. The Zuma people are saying: We don’t want Nkosazana. Is it correct in this day and age not to have a woman in a position of influence?

The overriding issue is life after Polokwane. It’s one thing to campaign for an outcome, but you still have to lead.

Whoever comes out on top will have to spend several years healing and unifying the ANC. The onus will be on the victors to show magnanimity and on the vanquished to respect the democratic process.

And in pre-conference campaigning, the temptation to vilify opponents and offer patronage in exchange for support has to be resisted, as these will have longer-term consequences.

I’m also concerned that a Zuma victory might lead to open conflict between the party and the national government, of the kind that has bedevilled the Free State and Western Cape.

If Mbeki has to go to Luthuli House on everything, he is president in name only.

It’s in the interests of whoever takes over as South Africa’s president after the 2009 elections not to weaken the ANC in government. I’m hoping against hope that everyone will say: “This is our government, let’s preserve unity even if we’re on the outside.” That way, when the time comes for change, we’ll have a smooth transition rather than acrimony.

What the other ‘elders’ said