As ANC members seek to convince one another on presidential and other choices, it is critical to weigh the implications of our preferences.
Needless to say, we are duty-bound to accept the outcome; and we should today psychologically also accept that one or the other candidate will win.
Critically, our choices should be informed by an objective base of information because there are certain ANC things that are bigger than any individual. What are these matters of principle and what is the objective base of information?
ANC members agree that, on the whole, policies pursued by government since 1994 have their origins in the movement, including conference resolutions and election manifestos.
We are committed to the country’s Constitution. We take pride in progress made in improving South Africans’ quality of life. We do acknowledge and take collective responsibility for the weaknesses.
Since 1997, an ANC presidential collective has been at the head of the movement. At no single time have the ANC president and deputy president presented divergent views on any serious matter of policy.
Why are these issues important?
They affect choices because there are some who proceed from the understanding that success for a particular electoral slate will translate into major policy changes. From the outcome of the policy conference last June — the recommendations of which will inform national conference deliberations — nothing suggests that, besides variations in nuance and emphasis, wholesale policy change is in the offing.
The same applies to a belief that better organisational cohesion will result from new deployments. Quite clearly, if there is a new president, some openings will arise in positions of authority. But the curse of incumbency is that there aren’t enough senior posts in government to satisfy every single ANC cadre. Nor are there sufficient contracts or any space to bend the rules such that every business aspirant would be kept happy.
Lest we forget: the ANC’s national deployment committee was for many years headed by the deputy president. When it stopped functioning, deployment was conducted on an ad hoc basis by a team led by the secretary-general.
Where then does the problem lie?
Perhaps in the style of President Thabo Mbeki in relation to ANC structures? Besides the fact that little is put forward to substantiate this, the proposals from the organisational review are certainly going to help improve this.
Or is it perhaps in the supposed attitude of the incumbent to the tripartite alliance? Besides the fact that alliance relationships are run from the secretary-general’s office, the proposals on strengthening the alliance should help address this.
Or is it about the so-called ”two centres of power”? Besides the common understanding that the ANC is the strategic centre, the election manifesto will elaborate the government mandate and the list process will decide on personalities, taking into account conference outcomes.
These are known issues that do concern some. But the policy and organisational reviews draw on our collective experience to propose solutions.
The critical challenge is about the ”known unknowns”, in the other possible outcome, that we cannot avoid interrogating.
Firstly, we can safely assume that, if elected, comrade Jacob Zuma will not defy decisions of conference on policy matters including on the economy, the fight against crime, good governance and deployment. How shall we deal with false expectations and mobilisation as the coalition of the so-called walking wounded unravels?
Secondly, a few months after conference the ANC will launch its election campaign. How is the ANC going to deal with the barrage of criticism on the deputy president’s court statements on gender issues and practical conduct in relation to HIV/Aids? Yes, the ANC has accepted his apology and forgiven him. But are we taking voters for granted? What about opposition and cartoonists’ electoral mischief? Are we courting a reduced majority or even electoral defeat?
Thirdly, in precisely that period, the possibility of a corruption trial of the very ultimate public face of the ANC will rear its head. We all adhere to the principle of presumption of innocence. But how shall we as a movement manage such a complex quagmire during an election campaign?
Besides many other concerns, it is on such ”known unknowns” — essentially beyond the control of the movement — that much reflection is required.
This is not about ANC members’ personal likes or dislikes or harbouring ill-will against any candidate. It is about weighing the challenges and making wise choices in the ANC’s interest.
There may be answers to these genuine concerns, and in our debates we must listen to each other’s voices.
But it cannot be that, like in the anecdote about a group of atheists hiding in a bunker about to be bombed, all the ANC can do is to pray: ”Thank you oh Lord for what we are about to receive!”
Joel Netshitenzhe is a member of the ANC national executive committee. He writes in his personal capacity