/ 23 April 2010

The price of freedom

The Price Of Freedom

What are we celebrating this April 27? Some say we are celebrating democracy, the birth of a rainbow nation, the miracle of a negotiated settlement and the best Constitution in the world — one that makes South Africa the only country in Africa that has legalised same-sex marriages and the fifth in the whole world to do so.

Sixteen years of the post-apartheid period, however, shows that the foundation upon which South Africa is built has dangerous cracks. The negotiated settlement was one-sided. The negotiations did not take into consideration the primary objectives for which the liberation struggle was fought. The fundamental interests of the majority 80% were terribly compromised. The negotiators mistook the beginning of a long journey for arrival at the destination.

That is why the South African Constitution has not been amended except when it was to move the people of Khutsong to North West province and those of Matatiele to the Eastern Cape. The South African Constitution has not been amended on any fundamental issues that affect the poor.

The land policy of the ruling party is an unmitigated disaster. Land is the trophy over which the national liberation struggle was fought. Land is the national asset without which there can be no economic liberation of the poor. In South Africa Africans make up 80% of the population, but only 13% are landowners. This is as a result of the Native Land Act of 1913 that colonially legalised the land dispossession of the African people and created the “native reserves”, later known as “bantustans”, as reservoirs of cheap labour for farms and mines.

Section 25 of the Constitution is now just another name for the Native Land Act. It forbids any land claims by Africans before June 1913.

After the Native Land Act, the first secretary of the African National Congress, Sol Plaatje, said: “What took place when ministers and members [of the colonial parliament] met in caucus in Cape Town, they alone know, but we have the result in the Native Land Act 1913. At the beginning of May [1913], no one knew that the year would see the last territorial freedom for Africans … On June 19 the same year the law had been enacted and was operating in every part of South Africa.”

Africans were dispossessed of so much land that Plaatje, then-ANC president John Langalibalele Dube and three others went to Britain to present a petition to King George V, the coloniser of the African country. These petitioners, on behalf of the kings and people of this country, said that they loved their country with a most intense love; that land had been taken away from them.

The petitioners said they “fully accepted the sovereignty of Great Britain and no other”. One of the demands to King George was “that the natives [Africans] should be put into possession of land in proportion to their numbers, and on the same conditions as the white race”.

This was nearly 100 years ago. But this has not happened. It was betrayed for the second time at the negotiations table in 1994 and swept under the carpet. This was despite ANC presidents such as Dr Alfred B Xuma, Dr James Moroka and Chief Albert Luthuli having endorsed the so-called Freedom Document, Africans’ Claims in South Africa and the Bill of Rights.

This document, adopted by the ANC in 1943, reads: “We demand the right to an equal share in all the material resources of the country and we urge: 1. that the present 12% of the surface area to 7  000 000 Africans as against 87% to about 2 000 000 Europeans is unjust — and therefore demand a fair redistribution of the LAND [my emphasis].”

The liberation struggle of the African people in South Africa has consistently been one of equitable redistribution of land and its resources according to population numbers. But the ANC government opted to buy back African land on the willing seller, willing buyer principle. This has not worked in spite of billions of rands spent on this exercise. The ANC government has now run out of money to buy land. The Minister of Rural Development and Land Reform, Gugile Nkwinti, has admitted that he needs R72-billion to buy land.

An African proverb says: “It is a fool who buys his own cattle.” Buying land that was taken from the Africans colonially is unjust, barbaric and flouts the principles of international law against colonialism and apartheid.

This kind of land policy failed in Zimbabwe with dire consequences. If an economic giant such as Britain could not buy enough land in Zimbabwe, what hope is there that the ANC government can settle the land question by buying it?

This unjust land policy has obliged Dan Mokonyane, author of Big Sell Out, to write: “This is as just as the crude spectacle of a rapist who comes to the scene of the devastation of his nefarious act to demand payment for loss of his semen and exertion.”

What are we celebrating in South Africa this April 27? The former freedom fighters such as members of the Azanian People’s Liberation Army took up arms against apartheid. They are languishing in the prisons of the “New South Africa” for this. The United Nations declared apartheid a crime against humanity through the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid.

Instead, it is former freedom fighters who have been punished with imprisonment. The apartheid regime gave amnesty to more than 3 500 of its own security forces and others in 1993. It shredded more than 44 metric tons of documents. In addition to this the Truth and Reconciliation Commission granted amnesty to further perpetrators of apartheid.

April 27 this year gives this nation the opportunity to reflect on the journey to freedom that has been abandoned for a fairy-tale destination.

The burning of tyres and blocking of roads all over the country is a signal that something must be corrected before it is too late.

In South Africa most unemployed people are Africans. The poorest people are Africans. People who live in squalid inhuman settlements are Africans. These inhuman shelters often burn or flood, destroying lives and property. The least equipped hospitals and clinics are those that serve Africans.

The worst or no roads are where Africans live. The least educated and skilled people in South Africa are Africans. People who have no money for education and are being educated in the lowest numbers are Africans.

People who have the shortest life expectancy are Africans. People with the highest child mortality are Africans. Yet billions of rands are buying land and servicing the apartheid debt.

The majority of 45-million Africans possess little or nothing. Their democracy is dispossession without repossession. The Constitution of South Africa must be amended. There must be a just democratic constitution to create a developmental state that will lift the standard of living of all people and banish poverty and underdevelopment.

Professor Sampie Terreblanche hits the nail on the head in his book, A History of Inequality in South Africa, 1652 — 2002, when he writes: “The ANC’s core leaders effectively sold its sovereign freedom to implement an independent and appropriate socioeconomic policy for a mess of pottage when it entered into several compromises with the corporate sector and its global partners. These unfortunate ‘transactions’ must be retracted or renegotiated.”

Dr Motsoko Pheko is a former PAC MP and the author of The Hidden Side of South African Politics, among other books