Dagga prohibition does more harm than good
No elected politician dares to raise proposals such as the decriminalisation of cannabis ("Is SA ready to turn over a new leaf?") or prostitution. Politicians fear this will, at best, expose them to ridicule and satire. At worst, it will provoke religious and other conservatives to campaign against their re-election and will win them few votes.
Personally, I don't smoke tobacco, cannabis or anything else. I had to give up going to jazz concerts because the dagga fumes gave me nausea. Cannabis must cause the same diseases that tobacco does – lung and mouth cancer. It must, like tobacco, increase vulnerability to respiratory diseases such as bronchitis, emphysema, pneumonia and tuberculosis. But there is an overwhelming case for the decriminalisation of cannabis, and not only for medical use (which in any case should be in the form of pills, not smoking).
The case for decriminalisation is that, whenever you criminalise something a vast proportion of your citizens do not consider morally wrong, the inevitable illicit market that follows results in devastating corruption of the police service and prison warders. Worse still, it encourages our centuries-old general culture of lawlessness and dodging the system.
No South African who has lived in places such as the United States or Scandinavia cannot be stunned by how law-abiding their motorists and citizens are compared with us.
The lawlessness and corruption that resulted from the criminalisation of this traditional South African herb have been legendary. Gangsters tip off their favourite customers to stay away for a few hours; they, in turn, were tipped off about an imminent raid by the police station they pay bribes to. That cannabis use is so widespread, even in jails – the institutions with total control over inmates – is the ultimate proof of the state's inability to enforce prohibition.
Most bizarre of all, the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research and agricultural research departments in the Eastern Cape have backtracked for two decades on their publicly announced programmes to encourage the smallholder cultivation of hemp, and to hire a linen mill for weaving hemp cloth. They fear that cultivating even non-psychoactive hemp varieties will lead to their prosecution.
South Africa is sovereign and can withdraw from any treaty or the specific provisions of any treaty that thwart state efforts to start a hemp industry, which would give a livelihood to unemployed rural families.
The decriminalisation of cannabis and low-psychoactive varieties of hemp could have exclusions, such as prohibiting its possession within 1km of any airport, port or land border post, as a demonstration that South Africa would continue to oppose international trade in cannabis.
Similarly, it could be an offence to be in charge of any vehicle, vessel or heavy machinery within 12 hours of smoking cannabis. It could remain subject to all the current restrictions on tobacco and be taxed at a higher rate. This revenue could fund an increased roll-out of housing.
The state should resume its stalled programme to start a hemp textile and clothing industry based on smallholders. The ability of tens of thousands of unemployed rural families to cultivate cannabis, without Land Bank loans, state extension services or taxpayer subsidies, shows they could successfully cultivate non-psychoactive varieties of hemp to revive our textile industry. – Keith Gottschalk, Cape Town
Motsoeneng a bad example
The SABC chief without a matric, Hlaudi Motsoeneng, who nets R2.4-million a year, has been defended by the Umkhonto weSizwe Military Veterans' Association (MKMVA) ("Nevermind Thuli, long may Hlaudi reign, says SABC chair").
These veterans are backers of Jacob Zuma: when Julius Malema began to rebel against Zuma, they promised him "harsh discipline". When Kgalema Motlanthe accepted nomination to stand against Zuma at the ANC electoral conference, they denounced his right to stand.
Motsoeneng is a Zuma die-hard, like Richard Mdluli. The veterans are always ready to defend him. Motsoeneng suspended SABC news head Phil Molefe because he allowed Malema to be on SABC news.
The ANC Youth League has come out in support of Motsoeneng, labelling the public protector, Thuli Madonsela, a Democratic Alliance mouthpiece for revealing the irregular things that he has done.
In one of his gaffes, Zuma said that "people should not read or study too much". His supporters who defend Motsoeneng are sending a clear message to the youth: "Do not study too much; as long as you are loyal to Zuma you will get a lucrative job."
Zuma's own children are not working; they are hunting tenders.
An audited report of the MKMVA showed how its funds were mismanaged but it has the temerity to defend a person without a matric who is earning R2.4-million a year – and this when we have many people in the ANC with degrees in media and communication studies.
When Zuma and Malema were still comrades, the president said he was presidential material who "speaks to the flesh of our revolution". He saw a young man with an H symbol for woodwork as our future president. At least Malema has surrounded himself with graduates such as Floyd Shivambo and Andile Mngxitama.
Many South Africans with degrees see the defence of Motsoeneng as an insult to the sacrifices they made to get an education. – Hlamalami Nghaluluma, Kimberley
Zapiro's strange attribution
Zapiro's "Strange Fruit" cartoon contains an error. The 1939 Billie Holiday song from which the Zap drew inspiration was composed by Abraham Meeropol, not Lewis Allan. Who dat anyway? – Rooijan Maylin, Emmarentia
• Allan was the pen name Meeropol sometimes used. – Editor