President Cyril Ramaphosa arrived in Washington DC this week on a mission few would envy: to rescue a bilateral relationship that has descended into open hostility.
Photo: Simon Dawson/Bloomberg/Getty Images
President Cyril Ramaphosa arrived in Washington DC this week on a mission few would envy: to rescue a bilateral relationship that has descended into open hostility.
For months, his government and United States President Donald Trump’s administration have traded accusations and recriminations — each viewing the other’s policies and ideologies as fundamentally misaligned with their national and international interests.
Against a fractured political and diplomatic backdrop, Ramaphosa’s visit could either mark a turning point in restoring strategic ties or become an uncomfortable reckoning with the limits of personal diplomacy.
“We want to come out of the United States with a really good trade deal,” Ramaphosa said in Washington on Tuesday.
International Relations and Cooperation Minister Ronald Lamola, who is part of the high-level delegation accompanying the president, said Wednesday’s meeting would be “a very strategic engagement” and that South Africa remains a critical gateway to trade on the African continent.
But Washington’s posture has grown increasingly cold. The future of South Africa’s inclusion in the concessionary trade pact under the African Growth and Opportunity Act (Agoa) beyond 2025 is now uncertain.
On this, Lamola was blunt: Trump’s tariffs had “technically nullified Agoa” by undermining the preferential treatment of South African products. He called for a “reset” of relations — one that would respect South Africa’s support for the African Continental Free Trade Area and its own developmental agenda.
While other contentious issues “may pop up” such as “the constitutional imperative of transformation”, Lamola underscored that the need to restore diplomatic and economic stability was paramount.
Yet the challenges are stark.
Months of diplomatic tensions — including executive orders, sharp public criticism and a torrent of posts from Trump on social media — have escalated mistrust.
Trump has repeatedly characterised South Africa’s land reform and racially skewed economic redress policies as persecution of white citizens, a narrative Ramaphosa’s government has labelled disinformation. In some cases, South African officials have used social media to push back with strong rhetoric of their own.
The conflict reached a high in early February when Trump, on his Truth Social platform, accused the South African government of “confiscating land and treating certain classes of people very badly”.
Days later, the White House issued an executive order suspending US aid to South Africa and announcing a new refugee policy prioritising Afrikaner seeking resettlement. That policy is now open to all minorities in South Africa.
“It is the policy of the United States that, as long as South Africa continues these unjust and immoral practices that harm our nation … the United States shall not provide aid or assistance,” Trump declared.
Ramaphosa’s response was defiant: “We are not daunted. We will not be deterred. We are a resilient people. We will not be bullied,” he said in his State of the Nation address.
Last week, the first group of 49 Afrikaners arrived in the US under the new policy — a move that has stirred significant public reaction in South Africa. Ramaphosa described them as “cowards” who would eventually return, while local media offered a mix of mockery and scepticism.
Economic Freedom Fighters leader Julius Malema, known for statements that are hostile towards whites and Indians in the country, questioned the legitimacy of the group’s claims and said they looked more like “car guards” than farmers.
Malema’s rhetoric — including his endorsement of the liberation song “kill the boer”, interpreted by farmers and many white people as inciting violence — remains a flashpoint. The lack of strong condemnation from senior officials, including Ramaphosa, or the judiciary, has drawn concern from farming groups and critics, although others view the reaction as exaggerated and politically motivated.
Meanwhile, the South African Police Service has faced criticism for allegedly underreporting rural attacks. Statistics from lobby groups such as AfriForum, while widely cited in conservative US circles, have also been questioned for methodological bias.
The geopolitical context is further strained by South Africa’s genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice, its ties to Iran, which supports terror group Hamas, and the recent passage of the Expropriation Bill that allows state seizure of property — under certain conditions without compensation .
These moves have drawn criticism in Washington, particularly from conservative figures.
Trump’s narrative has found traction with right-wing media and advocacy groups such as AfriForum and Solidarity, which submitted memoranda to the US administration earlier this year. Left-wing media remains scathing of and hostile to any claims of Afrikaners needing asylum or discrimination against racial minorities in South Africa.
The effect has been tangible. Dozens of US Agency for International Development projects have been cancelled, ambassador Ebrahim Rasool was expelled by Washington, and sweeping new tariffs — including a 30% surcharge on certain South African imports — were imposed in April, before Trump cut them back to 10% pending negotiations.
In an effort to counter the damage, Ramaphosa’s delegation includes not only ministers but also prominent business figures known personally to Trump, such as Afrikaner billionaire Johann Rupert and professional golfers Ernie Els and Retief Goosen — a clear effort to use informal diplomacy to reset strained ties.
Alongside Lamola are Trade, Industry and Competition Minister Parks Tau, who earlier this year proposed a R100 billion Transformation Fund from the private sector; Agriculture Minister John Steenhuisen, leader of the former main opposition DA and now coalition government member, whose stance on expropriation appears to have moderated.
The team also includes Minister in the Presidency Khumbudzo Ntshavheni, who recently accused AfriForum and Solidarity of spreading misinformation in the US — a move that led to a threat of legal action last week.
Ntshavheni has told parliament that the police were investigating both organisations for alleged “treasonous” activity and has proposed regulation of civil society groups — an idea that received strong pushback from human rights defenders.
Ramaphosa’s special envoy to the US, former deputy finance minister Mcebisi Jonas, is also part of the team. Jonas is best known for blowing the whistle on Ajay Gupta, who tried to bribe him for R600 million during South Africa’s state capture years under president Jacob Zuma. In 2020, during a lecture, Jonas called Trump a racist and homophobe.
The delegation is reportedly expected to present a trade proposal that includes a gas deal and potential collaboration on telecommunications — including a workaround to allow Elon Musk’s Starlink to operate in South Africa, despite restrictions linked to black economic empowerment (BEE) legislation. Ramaphosa is himself a beneficiary of BEE through his business holdings.
Presidential spokesperson Vincent Magwenya has confirmed discussions are ongoing. It remains unclear whether the delegation will meet Musk during the visit.
Optics are delicate. Officials are reportedly eager to avoid a repeat of the Oval Office confrontation that embarrassed Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy earlier this year.
Trump’s delegation includes Vice-president JD Vance, Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth and Africa adviser Massad Boulos. It is unclear whether Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who skipped recent G20 meetings, will attend. Rubio has called South Africa’s foreign policy “anti-American” and reiterated this week that the Afrikaners admitted to the US had “passed every kind of check mark” necessary.
In response to Senator Tim Kaine, who questioned the prioritisation of Afrikaner refugees over other global groups on Tuesday, Rubio said, “It’s a small sub-set, it’s a new issue, and the president identified it as a problem.” He said America’s statute on refugees should be “applied in the national interest of the United States”.
“If there is a sub-set of people that are easier to vet, who we have a better understanding of who they are, what they are going to do when they come here, they are going to receive preference, no doubt about it.”
Back home, Ramaphosa is navigating a politically fraught environment ahead of a general election. With high unemployment and economic stagnation, he must strike a careful balance between asserting sovereignty and maintaining critical trade relations.
“We are witnessing the rise of nationalism and protectionism … but we are not daunted,” he said earlier this year.
This week’s talks may prove decisive. They follow the first direct phone call between the two leaders on 24 April — a cautious thaw after months of silence.
For Ramaphosa, a successful outcome could mean preserving Agoa, opening new trade channels, and showing that his administration can place pragmatic economic interests above ANC ideology.
For Trump, the meeting is a test of whether diplomacy can temper ideology — and whether the US can continue to engage with African and other partners on the basis of mutual respect, rather than coercion.