/ 30 July 2024

Freedom of choice in Rwanda’s presidential elections is an illusion

Kagame Rwanda1 Superjumbo
President Paul Kagame may have revived the country after the 1994 genocide but his actions have prevented any meaningful opposition and accusations of intimidation, torture and assassination. (Photo: Marco Longari/AFP)

Rwandese once again went to the polls to elect their president, who will lead them for the next five years. As expected by many political analysts, Paul Kagame won with an overwhelming 99% of the vote — a figure that even a scientific laboratory machine cannot achieve. Since becoming president in 2000, Kagame has consistently won elections with more than 90% of the vote. Do people lack the freedom to choose other candidates, or are they genuinely voting for Kagame? If yes, why?

Kagame is not just another leader; he is the architect of present-day Rwanda, similar to the founder of modern Singapore. In 2009, former US president Bill Clinton, called him “one of the greatest leaders of our time” while the former prime minister of the UK, Tony Blair, called him “a visionary”. Understanding Kagame’s enduring popularity requires a deeper introspection into the country’s socio-political context. 

Kagame’s government has successfully leveraged the narrative of national unity and progress post-genocide to maintain control. Perhaps, if the numbers are to be believed, this is what many Rwandese had in mind as they entered the ballot booth. The Rwandese experience stands in stark contrast to countries like Zimbabwe, which also experienced a dark history with its Gukurahundi mass killings but continue to struggle in addressing it.

After the genocide, Rwanda was left with horrific devastation: physical and moral wounds, destroyed property and a decimated justice system, because judges were targeted for being Tutsi. The education system collapsed as teachers were killed, the health system was in ruins and local government was paralyzed. Faced with this dire situation, Kagame implemented home-grown solutions to heal and transform the country. He promoted a culture of community mediation, courts, national leadership and community work to address the problems. For instance, Rwanda’s community courts were successful in tackling impunity in 86.4% of the cases, according to research by the Centre for Conflict Management at the National University of Rwanda. He also ensured that the genocide’s memory was preserved to honour loved ones, restore dignity, give survivors a chance to tell their stories, fight denial and genocidal ideology and educate future generations about the threat of genocide.

Thirty years later, Rwanda has high economic growth, status as a tourist attraction, education for all and equal rights for women. This progress and stability probably informs the support many Rwandans have for Kagame.

But is Kagame that popular? There have been stories in the media about how he seeks to destroy political foes. Michela Wrong, in her book, Do Not Disturb: The Story of a Political Murder and an African Regime Gone Bad, argues that Kagame has ruthlessly hunted down and killed political enemies, suppressed freedom of speech, elections are a farce and, far from being a model for the rest of Africa, the country is an ethnic tinderbox waiting to explode. In the previous polls, the former opposition leader, Diane Rwigara, was imprisoned together with her mother and sister. She was charged with “offences to state security and forgery”. Rwigara was not just another politician, she was a serious contender for power but was barred from contesting the 2017 and 2024 elections.

Furthermore, reflecting on the broader context of global democracy, others have highlighted the growing concern that democracy is under threat worldwide, characterised by increasing authoritarianism and the erosion of democratic norms. How do the Rwandan elections measure up to conditions of fairness and transparency? Does the electoral process mask an underlying autocracy? Many of today’s dictators are elected into office and in some instances are popular for delivering on socio-economic goals. Others have called them “benevolent dictators”. 

The usual measures for democracy include free and fair elections characterised by independent institutions responsible for running elections and adjudicating any conflicts that may arise from the plebiscite. Rwanda was ranked as a “not free” country in 2022 on the Freedom Index. According to the Freedom House, Kagame’s Patriotic Front has also suppressed political dissent through pervasive surveillance, intimidation, torture and renditions or suspected assassinations of exiled dissidents. What shall we make of this? 

True democracy encompasses more than just regular elections; it requires a culture of civility, tolerance and genuine public participation — elements that are often missing in Rwanda’s tightly controlled political landscape. 

While Kagame’s leadership has undeniably brought stability and development to Rwanda, the broader democratic principles of genuine public participation and political pluralism remain unattainable. The challenge for Rwanda, and indeed for many countries worldwide, is to balance effective governance and national unity with the fundamental democratic values of freedom and inclusivity.

Nyasha McBride Mpani is the project leader for the Data for Governance Alliance Project based at the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation in Cape Town.

Dr Tendai Murisa is the executive director at the independent policy research organisation SIVIO Institute, based in Harare, Zimbabwe.