AS the Truth Commission comes into being, it is as well=20 to dispel some of the humbug surrounding it.
There are those who argue that this commission will=20 discover that strange phenomenon called The Truth. Even=20 if we were naive enough to believe that truth was=20 something a group of wise people could find in some=20 mystical way on the basis of selected evidence=20 presented to them, the commissioners are unlikely to do=20 so in the 18 months given to them, and with the handful=20 of investigators at their disposal.
Then there are those — call them the truth fairies –=20 who argue that this process will set us free. Those who=20 committed atrocities will be purged of their guilt, and=20 their victims will be able to come to terms with their=20 erstwhile persecutors.=20
In fact, some of those responsible for misdeeds will=20 come forward, others will be named, conflicting=20 versions of what happened will abound, malicious=20 fiction will be mixed with honest admissions, with=20 little chance of the commission nailing those who bear=20 the fullest and final responsibility: the politicians=20 who gave the orders.=20
Finally, there are those who feel that all of this will=20 — in some quasi-religious way — reconcile our people=20 and build national unity. In fact, we have recently=20 discovered that this is more effectively achieved by 15=20 rugby players than 17 truth commissioners.=20
Realistically, the commission may provide some new=20 information on events of the past, and expose some of=20 the perpetrators; it may assist some of the victims in=20 understanding what happened to them. For some=20 individuals, it will provide the first official=20 recognition that someone cares about what happened to=20 them. Some will be able to bury their dead.=20
Many others are likely to be frustrated — particularly=20 since those who oppose the commission are going to clog=20 up the process with information portraying themselves=20 as victims. And having found out who was responsible=20 for some of the terrible deeds, many will not be=20 satisfied, and will demand justice and retribution. The=20 case of Marius Schoon, who is sueing Craig Williamson=20 for the murder of his wife and child, is a case in=20
More definite is the likely political effect of all of=20 this. Nelson Mandela, protected by the unlikely fortune=20 of having been in prison, knows his hands are clean and=20 will be able to speak with pride about his=20 organisation’s contribution to bringing freedom and=20 democracy. Constand Viljoen, with the honesty of a true=20 military man, will be able to say that he did a job=20 given to him, and he did it with pride.=20
Not so FW de Klerk, Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi and=20 elements of the African National Congress guilty of=20 abuse in the camps or of working as agents of Pretoria.=20 These are the vulnerable ones — since none of them can=20 admit to what they have been up to, let alone defend=20 it. De Klerk’s line is that he was entirely ignorant of=20 anything going on around him. Buthelezi is a past=20 master at portraying himself as the eternal victim.=20
The Truth Commission is their worst nightmare — which=20 is why they have opposed it and continue to find ways=20 to impede its work. Mandela is perfectly aware of this.=20 He might have been concerned about the effects of a=20 Truth Commission on the Government of National Unity a=20 while back, but 18 months from now he will be close to=20 the next election and will enjoy seeing his rivals=20
As for those members of his party who will be=20 embarrassed, Mandela has made it clear that he believes=20 there are leading members of his party who can’t be=20 trusted, and he would not be sorry to see them go.=20
All of which means that the Truth Commission may prove=20 to be a powerful political tool. To believe otherwise,=20 and to put blind faith in its healing abilities, is=20 akin to putting your milk teeth in a shoe in the hope=20 they will turn into hard cash.