Kebble’s M&G link
In response to the article ”Kebble case under way when DA accepted cash”, (August 25). The Democratic Alliance did not have any reason to believe that Brett Kebble was under suspicion at the time that we received our last donation from him in February 2004.
We have also never had any reason to believe that the funds donated to us were embezzled from the accounts of any of his shareholders. If the truth can be shown to be the opposite on any of these counts, then, as we stated, the money will be returned immediately.
Under the law of insolvency, any payment by an entity whose liabilities can be shown to have exceeded its assets at the time of the transaction is required to return the money to the insolvent estate. If this cannot be shown, the money does not have to be returned for the very good reason that the payment was above board.
If the principle at stake is moral rather than legal, will the Mail & Guardian follow suit?
The DA is after all not the only entity with whom Kebble continued doing business after becoming a suspect. Even after it had published the findings of its own investigation into Kebble and his dealings, the M&G continued carrying statutory notices for JCI at least twice a year. Also, remember those colourful art awards supplements?
The DA approaches listed companies for a donation every year. We do not subject those who contribute to an audit before accepting their money; we assume our contributors subject themselves to annual audits, as required by law. We also assume that the JSE provides a measure of oversight of the corporate governance of the companies it lists.
The liquidators of the Kebble estate have not asked to meet with us. We have also made it clear that if the donations we received from companies associated with Kebble were — by law — not theirs to give, we will gladly return the money. — James Selfe, MP, chairperson of the DA federal council
Foreigners in their own land
In ”Why I never quite fell for South Africa” Rory Carroll notes that he did not bother to learn any African language because ”you get by perfectly fine speaking only English” in South Africa.
Expecting Carroll, a foreigner, to learn isiZulu or isiXhosa in four years may be unfair. However, many other whites sound exactly like him — except that they were born and bred here. While in the company of isiZulu-speaking colleagues at work, why must we always change to English if we are joined by people from other ”races”?
Carroll is a foreigner and sounds like one. What I find strange is that many South Africans sound like foreigners although they’ve been in the country for generations. — Thanda Sibisi, Clernaville
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I think we can learn from such articles. Robert Burns said: ”O wad some pow’r the giftie gie us, to see oursels as others see us!” And let’s be aware of the difference between patriotism and jingoism.– Hélène Mendes, Randburg
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It is a disturbing South African trend to dismiss any constructive criticism of this country with knee-jerk defensiveness. Carroll’s piece was exceptionally honest and devoid of transparent swooning over the ”rainbow nation”.
Despite the achievements, we have major social problems which do not seem to be the primary concern of the opulent black elite which has arisen since 1994. Perhaps we should fix the mess, rather than casting stones at prophets. — Michael Brett, Hartebeeshoek
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Take a road beyond Delmas, Krugersdorp, Sasolburg and Soweto and find another place. That’s my advice.
S’frica is weird and wonderful place, I’d say Carroll was never meant to stay. — Don Guy, Pietermaritzburg
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I celebrate every day my children have the opportunity, denied to me, of being allowed to mix with all South Africans. Carroll perhaps does not know where we were, how terrible life was under apartheid, and how far we’ve come.
We have many problems, frustrations and uncertainties, but for someone who grew up during apartheid, everyday occurrences are tinged with wonder.
South Africans also sometimes despair at the things that happen, but we do not have to fall in love with South Africa — we’ve always loved her. — Penny de Vries
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Poverty relief? Do me a favour!
SABMiller’s Graham Mackay left me feeling ill — and it was not from consuming too much of his company’s beer (”Aid is not the only answer”, August 7). It was a reaction to his flimsy exposition of business’s role in poverty alleviation.
Mackay’s argument is couched in the rhetoric of sustainable development. How does his own company measure up on the social front?
While the root cause of many social ills may not be alcohol consumption, few would deny the link between alcohol and South Africa’s social problems. Child rape, fathers drinking their salaries away while their children go to school hungry, husbands beating their wives and families devastated when loved ones are killed by drunk drivers. Sustainable development?
On the economic front, Mackay proudly cites SABMiller’s contributions to poverty alleviation and job creation through the establishment of small businesses to distribute and sell their beer and soft drinks.
What about the many millions of rands drained every day out of local economies throughout South Africa (and the rest of the Africa and the world) that go to feed SABMiller’s bottom line?
Imagine if those millions went into homes, family welfare, education, nutrition or small businesses. That would be poverty alleviation and sustainable development.
SABMiller does not force people to buy their products. We live in a free society where thinking adults make their own decisions on how to spend their income. Everyone has the right to peddle their goods on the open market, and opportunities around distribution do create a few jobs and small business development.
But please ‒ do not have the audacity to call this ”poverty alleviation”. — Jonathon Wigley, Howick
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President Thabo Mbeki has emphasised the harmful effects of alcohol on South African society.
Mister President, before the last election you promised to fight unemployment, a major contributor to the alcoholism that translates into anti-social behaviour, domestic abuse and crime. — Nqaba, Bergen, Norway
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You got it wrong
In the Pan African Health Awards supplement in the M&G last week, Penny Morgan wrote that by 2009, Right to Care would have two million on anti-retroviral treatment, would have averted seven million infections and have 10-million people in care. These targets come from the President’s Emergency Plan for Aids Relief, from which we receive our funding, and are for the world, not just our company. — Alex Bouche, Right to Care
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M&G smears our leaders
The article ”Minister hijacks SAA seat and causes a scene” (July 28) makes serious insinuations that border on character assassination, disrespect for the truth and blatant defamation.
With much gusto and relish in tarnishing the image of Minister of Agriculture and Land Affairs Lulama Xingwana, Yolandi Groenewald reported that the minister ”muscled a South African Airways passenger off her business class seat”; ”stormed” through the boarding gate; and ”hijacked” seat 1F when she discovered she had been removed from flight SA 570 from Durban to Johannesburg.
Had the reporter bothered to check with the minister she would have found out that the minister was never ”rude” to the flight captain and the passenger in question. It is on record that she fully cooperated with the captain’s request that she step outside the plane to discuss the matter out of sight and hearing of the other passengers.
On July 18 the minister’s office received an e-mailed letter of apology from the SAA CEO’s office. This expressed regret that the minister was ”erroneously offloaded” and said that disciplinary action had been taken against the staff member concerned for ”failing to perform his/her duties accordingly”. This she accepted graciously.
Imagine the minister’s dismay when she read that an SAA flight report had been handed to the Mail & Guardian. Whoever was responsible clearly had the agenda of destroying the minister’s image in the public eye. It is clear that the M&G is on a smear campaign against our leaders.
This is not the first time the minister has been treated unfairly by SAA. She was once bumped off a plane while on her way to a speaking engagement. As she waited in the VIP lounge to be escorted to the plane, she was told that the plane had left.
During her recent official trip to World Trade Organisation negotiations in Geneva, her luggage was left at Johannesburg International airport. Although she was told on her arrival in Geneva that it would follow on the next plane, she only received it after four days, ,just before flying back home. Her personal assistant’s luggage was delivered to Pretoria a week after their return.
It is quite clear that the service in SAA has deteriorated to the lowest standards. — Steve Galane, head of communications, Department of Agriculture
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From family man to terrorist
I agree with Louise Richardson, author of What Terrorists Think (Friday, August 25) that terrorism has its roots in anger over perceived oppression, and is often determined by circumstances.
My father, an otherwise peace-loving family man, became a terrorist in occupied Holland in World War II — not through any decision, but because of an escalation of events. From objecting to the German requisitioning of copper, motorcycles and radios, he eventually developed into a member of an underground resistance cell.
His activities included sabotage and assassinating members of the German occupation forces. In their eyes, he was a terrorist. Many of his friends died in suicidal missions.
As Nazi counter-pressure built up, there were atrocities by both sides. If the war had lasted another 10 years, I would have been a terrorist myself.
Understanding the problem is knowing half the solution. It is no coincidence that George W Bush and Tony Blair both come from countries that have not been occupied by foreign forces in their lifetime. They will never understand how strong the drive from the suppressed can become if their needs are not met.
Who are the terrorists? The answer lies in what my father told me when I asked him if he would do it again: ”I was lucky. I ended up being on the right side when it was over.” — Ben Laauwen, Cape Town
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Lost screw
The Congress of South African Trade Unions’ (Cosatu) recent call for the resignation of Makhosini Nkosi of the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) was the final losing of the screw that kept it sane.
How many times must it be told: it is a union whose mandate is to fight for the interests of exploited workers, not to be Jacob Zuma’s self-appointed spokesperson.
Nkosi does not speak for himself; he is the NPA’s mouthpiece. If Cosatu has issues with what he says, it must go the head of the NPA.
Also, this is not the first time that court proceedings have been delayed; Zuma’s case is no exception. — Phumla Kanyile