Charles Taylor, the fugitive former leader of Liberia who gained notoriety for masterminding brutal armed conflicts in West Africa, is back in the news. Speculation is rife that Nigeria may extradite the former warlord to his homeland.
In 2003, Taylor was forced into exile in a peace deal that had the broad support of African Union leaders, the United States and the United Nations. Prior to his hurried exit, Taylor had been indicted on 17 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity by an international war crimes tribunal, which was set up in 2002 to “prosecute individuals who bear the greatest responsibility” for atrocities committed during Sierra Leone’s decade-long war. Despite the Special Court’s blatant disregard for the complex political dynamics of West Africa, its bold action accelerated Taylor’s flight from the Liberian political stage.
With Taylor getting tongues wagging, it is timely to raise key questions about the latest developments.
Assuming that the country has actually requested Taylor’s extradition, contrary to the denials from Monrovia, one can reasonably infer that Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf — Africa’s first elected female leader — is yielding to mounting international pressure. Upon taking office in January, Johnson-Sirleaf listed among her main priorities the reconstruction of state institutions, job creation, poverty alleviation, curbing corruption and so forth.
Taylor did not rank among her priorities, because the former leader had not been charged with any crimes in Liberia. Given that his forced return may spark unrest in the country, the Johnson-Sirleaf government reasoned at the time that it made no sense to press for extradition.
Why, then, the sudden shift? As long as Taylor remains a point of reference for those seeking justice for victims of West Africa’s brutal wars, Johnson-Sirleaf will not have breathing space. Related to this, the purported extradition request was made ahead of Johnson-Sirleaf’s first official visit to the US, where there is considerable support among human rights groups and lawmakers for Taylor to be transferred to Sierra Leone, to face the Special Court. While there is enough goodwill in the US at the moment to support her government, sooner or later she will have to address the Taylor issue decisively, lest it become an obstacle to her desire to deliver the dividends of peace.
Furthermore, if Liberia has indeed requested extradition, this can be interpreted as consistent with the Nigerian government’s own pronouncements of 2004: that it would consider sending Taylor back to Liberia if an elected government made the proper request. It was designed to leave the door open for Nigeria to save face. Politically, it would be better for Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo if Taylor eventually landed before the Special Court in Freetown, Sierra Leone, by way of Monrovia.
To the extent that Obasanjo is believed to have recently briefed President Thabo Mbeki on the Taylor issue, as reported in the press, indicates that a consultative process is already underway within the AU. Any decision would thus be interpreted as having the blessing of continental peers, and politically insulate Obasanjo from criticism of capitulation to external pressure.
Finally, what role, if any, does the sudden death of Slobodan Milosevic, who was being tried in The Hague by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, have on the politics and diplomacy surrounding the Taylor matter? It is indeed a timely coincidence that his death occurred about the same time as the debate around Taylor and accountability in West Africa was rekindled. While his death had no direct bearing on the Taylor debate, it is not lost on many that this is yet one more reminder to those who commit crimes against their own people that the world is becoming much smaller. Put differently, the era of impunity may be fast giving way to accountability.
To be sure, Milosevic is the second high-profile war crimes indictee in recent times to have died in custody while on trial or awaiting one. Charles Taylor’s former ally, Foday Sankoh, the notorious rebel leader from Sierra Leone, died in 2003 while awaiting trial before the Special Court in Freetown. The charges against Sankoh were subsequently dropped, as eventually will those against Milosevic, leading some to argue that the victims have been robbed of justice.
Nonetheless, the lesson for Taylor and other would-be fugitives is clear: they can run for some time, but, ultimately, they have nowhere to hide.
Dr Abdul Lamin teaches international relations at the University of the Witwatersrand