Not just song and dance
Jason Hickel’s letter ”Politics of polyvalence” (March 20) makes many sweeping statements on why Jacob Zuma is popular at the expense of the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), without providing empirical evidence to back his assertions.
Hickel’s analysis betrays a bigoted view of rural voters and a profound disdain for IFP voters in particular. His view that Zuma’s ”populist flair — epitomised by his ease with song and dance — captures the immediate allegiance of rural voters nationwide” is a case in point. The subtext of this observation is that rural voters in KwaZulu-Natal and Limpopo, unlike their suburban counterparts in Sandton and Constantia, are not concerned with the issues of development, job creation and crime that define this election, but are rather swayed by song and dance.
Hickel would have us believe that rural voters, who are predominantly black and poor, have a lower standard of assessing and evaluating their own needs and consequently their participation in elections, and therefore the sum total of their political awareness can be reduced to an attachment to Jacob Zuma’s song and dance.
Hickel boldly asserts that ”because of Zuma, IFP voters are suddenly shifting en masse to the ANC, excited that its new president embraces Zulu ethnic identity and appreciates the roles that cattle, ritual, chiefship and patriarchy play in their cultural milieu”. Where are these Zuma-turned IFP hordes to be found? How many are they? In which rural area did Hickel undertake his survey that proved rural Zulus were ditching Mangosuthu Buthelezi for Zuma? It is cultural arrogance to suggest that Zulu identity is defined by cattle, ritual, chiefship (whatever that means) and patriarchy.
It is disturbing to see an academic of Hickel’s intellect glorifying the spectre of Zuma mobilising on the basis of ethnic identity. Africa is littered with examples of the tragic consequences of ethnic mobilisation.
The apartheid regime thrived on consigning rural blacks to pockets of under-development called homelands. Fortunately for rural Zulus, Buthelezi rejected this apartheid policy for KwaZulu-Natal and thus they were able to retain their birthright as South Africans. Hickel’s patronising view is the same as that of apartheid architects who viewed rural blacks as an unthinking mob easily swayed by a song and a dance. — Thulasizwe Buthelezi, Mahlabathini
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Seeing my letter in the March 20 edition (”Politics of polyvalence”) made me scold myself for analytical sloppiness. The Zuma phenomenon certainly warrants scholarly attention, but my little contribution didn’t do as much towards this end as I had hoped. In seeking to interpret Zuma’s popularity in symbolic terms, my account made it seem that both he and his supporters lack real cognitive agency: that his populism runs no deeper than ”ease with song and dance”, or that rural residents of KwaZulu-Natal flock to him solely for his ”explicitly drummed-up Zuluness”. Not at all.
First, Zuma’s carefully groomed political image bespeaks a canny actor with nuanced knowledge of South Africa’s contemporary social milieu. Second, having emerged from a recent revolution, South African voters of all stripes tend to nourish remarkably informed political attitudes and have good reasons for their views.
The lesson here is to separate analysis of Zuma’s symbolic allure from that of his substantive policy agenda. But the important point remains: that the big tent of Jacob Zuma will likely begin to feel a bit too crowded for his varied constituencies once his term of office begins. And the political field will have to redefine itself, again. — Jason Hickel, University of Virginia
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The cloud over Zuma’s head
Many of Jacob Zuma’s supporters this week said they had been vindicated by the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) decision to drop corruption charges against him. Many of us who desire to live in a normal society free from corruption, nepotism, favouritism, crime and so forth, also felt vindicated by the decision.
I am one of them. What the NPA has confirmed is our long-held suspicion that many state institutions are used by some in the ruling party to pursue personal agendas in the party’s internal power struggle. Although the blunders and the NPA’s decision will continue to cast doubts on the country’s ability to establish a normal society, it also will help to expose the ruling party’s inability to draw a line between the party and state.
This decision exposes the general weaknesses within the ruling party. If the ruling party’s members and supporters deployed within various state institutions can abuse their positions against their own comrades, how much more irreparable damage have they caused to people such as ourselves, who belong to parties opposed to the ruling party?
The NPA’s decision has serious implications for the future of the country and will continue to cast doubts on Zuma and the ruling party. Many of us will continue to treat the ruling alliance with mistrust, because we do not know when they will unleash state institutions on us because of ideological differences.
My view is that all those implicated must be investigated and charged without fear and favour. — Lesego Sechaba Mogotsi, Azanian People’s Organisation (Azapo) candidate, Gauteng Ward 40
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Jacob Zuma, Judge Chris Nicholson and some of us feel vindicated by the NPA’s bold decision that the case against Zuma was as a result of interference. This decision should be appreciated because it is informed by legal process rather than political process. Representation by the accused person to a law enforcement agency such as the NPA is enshrined in our Constitution. There is nothing sinister or criminal about its decision. The country must move on – there are serious challenges facing our people, such as poverty and unemployment as well as HIV/Aids. — Masket Mtshweni, Tshwane
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Recent remarks by Archbishop Desmond Tutu show he suffers from a death of reason and a resurrection of passion. As a Christian, I believe that the Arch has lost his moral compass and has simply become crude, vindictive and hypocritical.
Nobody has ever shown that the review by the NPA in the Zuma matter is a political solution. It is a matter of law. Why must Zuma prove his innocence when he is an accused? People make all sorts of allegations all the time and those who do so must prove the veracity of their claims.
Tutu paints Zuma as an immoral person not deserving of leadership. Has he forgotten that the very Bible from which he sermonises preaches mercy and forgiveness? — Thato Sedibe, Rustenburg
At the NPA briefing on the dropping of charges against Zuma, one could actually see acting NPA boss Mpshe and his prosecutors visibly cringing and sinking into their seats in obvious shame when the articulate young journalist from CNN posed the question most of us were thinking: ”Surely it is your responsibility to prosecute? That is your job.” — Frank Hartry, Kingsburgh
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When the dust around Zuma has settled (that dust which may have escaped being swept under the carpet by the state), perhaps Zapiro will consider replacing the ubiquitous trademark showerhead over Zuma’s head with a permanent cloud. — Jonathan Ossher, Uitenhage
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No more cowboy justice
If I were the litigious type, I would take the Cape (or is it Cope?) native, Phillip Dexter, to the cleaners for claiming I am facing corruption charges (”Of politicians, priests and prostitutes”, April 3).
But let me instead expose his intellectual and moral bankruptcy. Dexter’s article, peppered with name-calling and unrestrained vitriol, fails to respond to the nub of my argument – that the ANC has a well-established historical association with the Christian church and Cope’s playing the moral card against Jacob Zuma is a deeply flawed strategy and will backfire.
Having failed to engage the essence of my argument, Dexter looks for gratification in name-calling and the public circulation of a falsity as fact. For the record, I do not face any corruption charges. Some of Dexter’s fellow travellers were distributors of the worst invective against me in 2003. Six years later, I have never been charged.
His assertion may be wishful thinking, or the result of the now infamous ”Pontius Pilate approach to justice” some of his comrades are known for. I was once in a room where that phrase was used against an ANC leader. It used to work, Dexter, but the era of cowboy justice is over.
Ironically, Dexter was just fired as chairman of the Mpumalanga Economic Growth Agency for misdemeanours some would call corruption. The now-defunct Scorpions were, according to City Press, investigating him as recently as December 2008. Dexter says there is a political motive behind the investigation and the dismissal. He seems to believe he has a monopoly on such claims, but when others argued likewise Dexter and his handlers contended it could not be so.
Can he debate intelligently without making matters worse for himself, his organisation and its guarantors? Hopefully, his false claims about me are not in any way indicative of a predisposition by his organisation to be ”fishers of corrupt men”. Someone he holds in high esteem had a lot to say in 2003 about such fishers. —Vusi Mona, Lonehill
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Why should I trust them?
Lately I’ve been visited by very odd, bizarre thoughts. I can’t sleep at night. I’ve got nightmares. I can’t work out which party’s name I should put my cross next to.
They all seem to be resolute to deliver to their vulnerable compatriots. Why should I trust them?
They all speak evil of one another. So why should I trust them?
They all make solemn pledges to fight corruption, eradicate poverty, create decent jobs in this appalling economy and fight crime with corrupt cops who assault people for no apparent reason. Why should I trust them?
Some have been convicted of corruption yet speak of fighting crime. Some have broken away from the ruling party and purport to be different. Yet they all seem identical in their policies and manifestos.
God help me to choose the party that will put the interest of the people first. The party that will understand what it means to serve people. The party that will not make empty promises. The party that will understand that people are all equal before the law. The party that will not put cadres in positions they do not deserve. The party that will not give food parcels in exchange for votes —
God help me choose. — Frank Sinky Mahlangu
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I can’t vote in Perth
I am on holiday in Australia. Today I contacted the South African Consul in Perth to ask about voting on April 22 and was told that there are no arrangements by the IEC for votes to be cast in Perth. Should I wish to vote, it can be done only in Canberra, which, of course, is preposterous — it’s on the opposite side of the country (a four-and-a-half-hour flight at least). Before I left South Africa I contacted the IEC and was told I could cast my vote in Perth by contacting the local South African office. Now it seems nothing is in place for people to vote. — Tony Afonso
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In brief
As a long-time regular reader of the M&G, I believe that Ferial Haffajee will become regarded as one of the really fine editors of the newspaper. And, presented with her successors, one cannot but be excited: both Nic Dawes and Rapule Tabane have, for me, been two of the editorial highlights of the M&G in recent years. — Bruce MacDonald, Rondebosch
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Your newspaper and website are excellent and important contributions to democracy in South Africa. But I urge you to lead the way in not referring to the majority party as the ruling party. Rule is an archaic concept that belongs in feudal or tribal chiefdoms only. It should never be used in a democracy. The majority party should be referred to as the serving party or simply the majority party. How can we expect the electorate to understand that politicians are elected to serve and manage when we constantly refer to them as rulers? — Gavin Doyle
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I commend your editorial on the vast crony machine that is the Gauteng Provincial Government (”Prophylaxis is needed”, April 3), but you neglect the real prophylaxis — which is to vote Democratic Alliance. — Jack Bloom, DA Leader, Gauteng Legislature