Many Zimbabweans will vote this weekend on the new draft Constitution by staying at home, writes Mercedes Sayagues
In an atmosphere of fear and intimidation, Zimbabweans vote this weekend on a new, government-propelled draft Constitution. Women distributing “Vote No” flyers in townships have been stripped and harassed. This correspondent was assaulted inside a police station by thugs from the ruling Zanu party.
Two years ago, civil society set out to reform Zimbabwe’s flawed Lancaster Constitution, adopted at independence in 1980 and amended 14 times since.
Zimbabweans liked the idea. To co-opt it, President Robert Mugabe launched his own constitutional reform last June. He staffed a 400-member commission with loyal supporters and a few independents.
Both sets of public hearings were a healthy national exercise. More than one million people attended. As public records prove, people want less presidential powers and more democracy.
But the draft Constitution disregards their views. Drafted by Zanu loyalists and adopted without discussion, the document enshrines Zanu’s grip on power. It allows the 75-year-old Mugabe to run for two more terms and gives him sweeping and vague emergency powers.
Human rights activists say the Bill of Rights is weak. Journalists say press freedom and freedom of speech are compromised. The unions warn the right to strike is curtailed. Women’s groups say it does not recognise equality between men and women. Farmers worry about a clause allowing compulsory land acquisition without compensation. Amnesty International says torture is not outlawed.
The draft Constitution admittedly improves on human rights. But clawback clauses impinge on them. “This document recreates the Lancaster Constitution in a subtle way,” says Lydia Zigomo, chair of the Zimbabwe Women’s Lawyers Association. “Rights can be derogated on grounds of public morality and national security; and who defines these?”
For the ruling party, Zanu, the referendum has become a litmus test. Desperate to hang on to power, Zanu has unleashed all its forces. TV and radio are flooded with “Vote Yes” ads, to the point of overkill, hinting that land will be plentiful and that only “sell-out” Zimbabweans will vote No.
On the campaign trail, Mugabe thrashes whites for hoarding fuel and ruining the economy. The foreign press, he says, conspires to tarnish Zimbabwe’s image.
Not that much effort is needed to paint it bleak. The economy is reeling from a two-month-old fuel shortage. Petrol is rationed to 10 litres per customer – when you find it. Paraffin is scarce because commuter buses, tractors and trucks run on it. Diesel is scarcer.
The fuel shortage stems from lack of forex, corruption at the state sole oil importer, Noczim, and general economic mismanagement.
“We are fed up and we want change,” said Lloyd Mboneka (27) at an opposition rally last week. “I was retrenched from the Ministry of Water in 1995 and have been jobless since. My two kids are chased away from school because I can’t pay school fees. The hospital charges Z$90 [US$2] for a card but has no medicines. Our dreams of school, health, land and jobs have been betrayed.”
The most credible challenge to Zanu rule is the trade union-based Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). It is setting up countrywide structures and mobilising the youth to register and vote. But theirs is an uphill battle against intimidation, fear and apathy.
Zimbabweans have a culture of not voting in protest, instead of voting to protest. Less than 35% of registered voters bothered to vote in the 1996 presidential elections. Last year, mayors were elected with 700 votes in cities with tens of thousands of registered voters.
Young, cash-strapped civil society groups struggle valiantly, though sometimes clumsily. The National Constitutional Assembly did not produce its alternative Constitution quickly so people could compare. Its TV ads and debates are drab. Brave youth and women hand out flyers but they are no match for Zanu’s machinery, boosted by state funds and facilities.
“If we allow Mugabe to get away with this Constitution, we are giving him a blank cheque to keep pillaging the country,” said trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai to a crowd of 4 000 in Mbare township last week.
Violence flared in several townships over the weekend. Several MDC youth were arrested.
On Wednesday, Tsvangirai denounced “a well-orchestrated Zanu plan to attack and provoke MDC youth”. He compared it to Inkatha’s pattern of township violence, “where the victims of violence become the perpetrators”.
As the draft Constitution is widely discussed, many are angry they were taken for a ride. On Monday, at a constitutional commission meeting at Harare’s Girls High School, Judge Godfrey Chidyausiku and Labour Minister Florence Chitauro had to leave under loud booing and toyi-toying of students.
The urban vote will lean towards a No. But the rural vote (70% live in rural areas, Zanu’s traditional power base, where there is less information and more repression) may carry it. Many will vote by staying at home. The fuel shortage does not help.
Preparations are sketchy. The voters’ roll is a disaster. Frustrated, Anglican Bishop Peter Hatendi resigned last week as chair of the Electoral Supervisory Commission.
If the referendum is approved by a low percentage, its legitimacy can be challenged. Even if the Yes vote is more than one-third of voters, which is doubtful, Zanu has only bought a bit of time. Parliamentary elections will be held in mid-April. Popular anger will not fade away.
As sings Thomas Mapfumo in his latest release: “Corruption racks our country. Thieves are dispossessing us. But we’ll chase you away. You shall run, run, run.”