One down, one tottering and Âanother struggling even to get up. Allegations of corruption are threatening to destroy the political careers of President Joseph Estrada Âin the Philippines, Prime Minister AbdurÂrahÂman Wahid in Indonesia and ÂThakÂsin ShinaÂwatra in Thailand. But, as is the nature of politics in the Âregion, these South-East Asian Âleaders are not Âgiving up without a fight.
Estrada is undoubtedly in the least enviable position. His crisis began last October when a provincial governor accused the president of accepting nearly $12-million in bribes from Âcigarette taxes and illegal gambling. Opposition groups filed impeachment charges that led to a ÂUnited States-style Senate trial that began last month.
Witnesses testÂified that ÂEstrada kept multimillion-dollar bank Âaccounts under false names and had profited from insider-trading. When a narrow majority of senators refused last week to examine vital bank ÂreÂcords, the prosecution team quit and outraged Filipinos took to the streets. Forced from the presidency by the popular uprising, Estrada’s position worsened this week when prosecutors Âformally charged him with six ÂofÂfences, Âincluding perjury, graft, bribery and economic plunder.
The Âlatter carries the death penalty, Âalthough few Âpundits feel the disgraced former Âactor will suffer such a fate. Anticipating such a move, ÂEstrada Âpre-empted his accusers by issuing a terse statement saying that he had not resigned; he was merely unable to continue functioning as president and had therefore ceded temporary Âauthority to his former deputy, ÂGloria Macapagal-Arroyo.
Few people believe it will do him any good. “This is just the last death-throes of the ÂEstrada administration,” said former Philippines presiÂdent ÂFidel Ramos. Wahid is proving equally feisty. Accused of involvement in two Âfinancial scandals that cost the state $6-million, this week he faced up to his tormentors — a Â50-strong Âpanel of legislators — and treated them with contempt.
The panel expected the half-blind Muslim cleric, who became Indonesia’s first democratiÂcally elected presiÂdent in 1999, to submit to questioning, but he refused and stormed out after 30 minutes. Such maverick behaviour has become a trademark of the Wahid presiÂdency, but opposition is growing and impeachment is a Âreal Âpossibility. Crucially, Âunlike Âthe Philippines leader, Wahid still has the support of his vice-Âpresident, Megawati Sukarnoputri.
Thaksin, whose Thais Love Thais Party won the first majority in the lower house of Parliament, might never experience such travails. Not Âonly are more than 50 of the 500 constituencies having to hold new ballots, due to extensive claims of vote-buying, but Thaksin is Âunder investigation for a false declaration of assets. Thaksin described such alleged transgressions as a genuine mistake. He said the investigations should cease because Thais had known about the allegations and had voted for him in record numbers.
The ÂConstitutional Court could take months to reach a verdict, leaving the country in limbo. Although circumstances differ in all three countries, a common thread of corruption weaves through them. “Corruption is so endemic throughÂout the region it’s a part of life,” says Karina David, who resigned as a miniÂster in Estrada’s government in disgust at his behaviour. “Anybody who has been part of the political system has been tainted by corruption, even if it has not and cannot be proven.”
Except in Singapore, low official salaries, strong executive power, close links between business executives and their political counterparts and poor law enforcement mean that corruption is part and parcel of politics. Things might be changing, ÂhowÂever. David says it is no coincidence that three leaders are in trouble simulÂtaneously. “The level of popular cynicism has risen so much Ârecently that people are much more aware of what’s going on. They just won’t stand for it.”
The likelihood of another general Suharto or Ferdinand Marcos managing to siphon off billions is Âreducing, albeit at a snail’s pace. “The latitude is now very, very small compared to the past,” says David. “In ÂGloria [Macapagal-Arroyo]’s case, it is practically non-existent.”